Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 437.]

Sir: I doubt whether it be strictly within the line of my duty to call to your notice a proceeding, originated by Mr. M. D. Conway, the nature of which is explained in a correspondence between him and Mr. Mason, lately published by the latter in the London newspapers, doubtless in the hope of gaining some fancied advantage or other by it. The executive committee of the Emancipation Society, fearing that it might be supposed to have given some countenance to the apparent pretension of Mr. Conway, adopted a resolution, a copy of which was put into my hands by their president for transmission to you. I have concluded to send it, rather as showing the very friendly spirit of that organization than as having much intrinsic importance. The act of Mr. Conway injures himself more than any one else. Nobody is more sensible of the error he committed than himself. He has called to see me, and has expressed so frankly his regret, as well as his entire loyalty to the government, that I cannot help feeling his mistake to have originated rather in his want of practical experience, and in his deference to injudicious advisers, than in any serious intention to do evil. He signified his wish to exonerate himself from all suspicion of disloyalty to the government by addressing a letter to you, if I thought such a course proper. I replied that the question seemed to me purely a personal one. If he, as a good citizen, was anxious to redeem himself in the eyes of the President from such suspicion, a private letter, addressed directly to you, would probably be received with good will and would have the desired effect.

It is one of the peculiar circumstances attending the present crisis that many Americans come to this country impressed with a strong conviction that in some form or other of public address they shall be able to produce a decided effect on public opinion favorable to the United States. Most of these persons, utterly unconscious of the difference in the social organization of the two countries, and of their habits of thought, the imperfect information as to America, the prejudices and passions prevailing here, proceed very much in the same way that they would in an election canvass at home. The consequence is, not unfrequently, [Page 319] the commission of mistakes, which, if they have any effect at all, do harm rather than good to the cause they advocate. With the best intentions they frequently misconceive the means of prosecuting them to advantage. Laudations of the institutions, the resources, or the men of America, in which they are naturally apt to deal more or less freely, are likely to have an opposite effect to that which is expected; whilst strictures and criticism are seized upon and made use of to our disadvantage as undisputed truth.

Mr. Conway has gone much further in error than most of his class, owing, no doubt, to an idiosyncrasy which has heretofore kept him standing rather alone, even among ourselves. But I much fear the presence of any of them is seldom to be ranked among the auspicious events to a permanent good understanding between the two nations.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

[Untitled]

Resolved, That this committee, having made arrangements for the lecture recently delivered at the London Tavern by Mr. M. D. Conway, and at which Mr. Bright, M. P., presided, deem it right to record that they were entirely ignorant of the correspondence which has taken place between Mr. Mason, the emissary of the so-called Confederate States, and Mr. Conway, until the letters were made public by the former. Moreover, that they can only look for the progress of emancipation in America to the anti-slavery action of the government of President Lincoln and of Congress, and not to the unauthorized negotiations betwixt any section of northern politicians and the leaders of the rebellion. Also, that a copy of this minute be transmitted to Mr. Conway.