Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I have to acknowledge the reception of despatches from the department numbered from 603 to 610, inclusive. The absence of No. 599 is still unaccounted for.
[Page 313]In accordance with the directions contained in your No. 604, of the 23d of May, I have prepared a note, communicating the reply of the President to the London Trades Unions, which will be despatched as soon as I have had an opportunity to submit it to Lord Russell. This week has been thus far so filled up with attendance on court ceremonials as to leave little room for the transaction of business. Last Sunday, however, previous to the reception of that despatch, I seized the occasion of a social visit to Pembroke Lodge for the purpose of presenting Mr. Evarts to his lordship to show him informally the copy of your reply to the French overtures respecting Poland, which accompanied your No. 591 of the 11th of May. We learn by the telegraph in the newspapers that the reply has already been printed at St. Petersburgh from a copy communicated to the Russian government, and that some form of response has been made to it, but the papers in extenso have not yet made their appearance here.
There seems to be a decided increase of the indisposition to meddle with American affairs. In the House of Lords the other evening remarks were made by Lord Stratford de Redcliffe upon the peculiar state of things prevailing throughout the continent of Europe, which may furnish some clue to the reasons for this change. I receive from very good and entirely opposite sources assurances that the policy of the ministry on this subject never was at any time so firm as now. With the remarkable decline of the uneasiness caused by the distress in the manufacturing districts all apparent excuse for advocating active measures of intervention diminishes. We have now nearly reached the term at which it was some time since announced that the great relief fund raised last season would be exhausted. Concurrently with this it was supposed that the supply of cotton to keep the operatives going would be equally drawing to a close; hence, that the great problem of the support of the industrial population would come up in all its magnitude for solution. Experience now shows that the present stock of cotton is actually greater than it was a year ago; that the aggregate number of operatives needing relief is steadily diminishing from week to week, and that the general prosperity of the country has been so little affected by the whole difficulty as to leave no doubt of its power ultimately to control it without serious derangement to its internal economy; what, with the return to the old customary works, the diversion to other forms of industry which have been quickened by the loss of cotton, and with emigration, I do not find that the question of the American supply retains the attitude of importance it seemed to occupy at the beginning of our troubles. Another year will find the sources of cotton production so much extended as to place Great Britian in a position free from exclusive dependence on the southern States for that staple. The strongest commercial tie which has thus far operated upon it to support them will thus be giving place to one that must draw it in a wholly opposite direction. Whatever sympathy with them may then be found to exist here will be of a purely political character, and not be complicated with pecuniary interests. The question thus simplified may still deeply agitate the feelings of the various classes which constitute the aggregate of English society; but it would scarcely be strong enough to compel them to a policy which might ultimately involve them actively in the struggle. Especially will this be true if there be no intermediate beneficial change in the aspect of European affairs. From conversation with persons in a situation to watch the course of things, I am led to infer that a rupture of some kind is held not to be unlikely to happen in the spring, as an alternative to escape internal commotion. Should such continue to be the appearances, it is not unreasonable to presume that the conflict in America will be suffered to pass to its natural termination without any serious effort at interposition.
Should these views prove in any degree to be correct, the labors and anxieties of the government at home will be materially reduced and simplified. The issue will then depend entirely on the firmness and energy of the great body of [Page 314] the loyal people in the United States in executing the task they have before them at home. That they have the power to crush this rebellion, if they so will it, the relative situation of the combatants at the end of two years leaves no reasonable room for doubt. That their own safety in all future time requires them to persevere, would seem to be as little open to dispute. The arbitrary temper which first prompted the war, and which has to this day regulated the conduct of it, resting as it does upon an assumption of an unlimited power to enslave a portion of the human race, if once recognized in form, can never be otherwise than dangerous to the peace of mankind. It must be broken, first by force, and next by removing forever the element which supplies its vital strength. The cost of this process to the generation now in being may be fearful; but it will be compensated out of all measure in the security afforded to those yet to come. That the government needs only the support of the nation to bring about the results here indicated, by the use of all the means at its command, I do not for a moment doubt.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.