Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I have to acknowledge the reception of your despatches from the department, numbered from 408 to 411, inclusive, and likewise the missing one of last week, No. 404.
There is little to note in the events of the past week. The tone of the public [Page 18] sentiment is softening towards the United States, if we may judge from the very favorable reception given in several places to most decided expressions of sentiment by members of Parliament in their addresses to their constituents. Of these I would particularly instance the speeches of Mr. Foster at Bradford, of Messrs. Conyngham and White at Brighton, and of Mr. Leatham at Huddersfield. In all these cases there is no doubtful sound. The only obstacle to progress in this direction is made by the intelligence of growing hostility on our side. Coming, as it now does, after the reception of the news of the action taken here on the French proposal, I must admit that I have been myself surprised. It seems to invalidate the opinion expressed by me to Lord Russell as to the probable effect of that proceeding. As yet, however, we have received reports only through the untrustworthy summary of the telegraph. We hear of the proceedings of a popular meeting off the democratic party in the city of New York, which appears to contemplate the possibility of a war with this country as a base of reunion at home. Inasmuch as this scatters to the winds most of the grave speculations of the London Times, intended to hold up to the public view the successes of that party in the elections as the symptoms of a conservative reaction in harmony with British opinion, it is not without its useful side. But I shall await with much interest the arrival of the next steamer, which will probably bring to me your views of the report of my conference with Lord Russell, as well as those of the President in his message at the opening of Congress. Upon the tone taken in the latter just at this moment much stress will be laid on this side, and the future relations of the two counties will materially depend.
The great obstacle in the way of the better understanding which would naturally follow from this state of things is to be found in the movements going on in this kingdom under strong appeals making to the avarice of the commercial interest by the desperate insurgents. There is scarcely a limit to the extent of the offers made to secure assistance. Much of the evidence upon which I make this statement has been already laid before you from other quarters. It appears that a loan, to a large amount, has been effected on the security of cotton to be furnished at a price which would secure an enormous profit to the holders, and that a corresponding rate of gain has been held out for the delivery of goods of which the rebels now stand in the most absolute need. This discovery furnishes at last an explanation of the sources of the large sums of money which have been lavished at a most reckless rate in the purchase and construction of steamers of all kinds, and munitions of war, in the despatch of military adventurers from the continent, and in the purchase of every variety of article that is needed to supply existing domestic wants in those States. The ports of Liverpool and London are filled with vessels taking in commodities destined for the insurgents. At the same time, a strong interest is thus formed which must be brought to bear more or less forcibly on the policy of the government towards the United States. The existence of loans here which can gain value only by the recognition of the insurgents as a State is, of itself, a material element of hostility to our success. Hence, there will be people not at all slow to inflame every little cause of difference between the two countries, and to stimulate the co-operation with the more positive policy of Napoleon, in bringing about the only result that can secure favorable returns to their hazardous ventures.
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I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.