Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.
Sir: I have to acknowledge the reception of despatches from the department, numbered from 377 to 382, both inclusive.
At the latest date of your writing you could not have received my despatch (No. 248) of the 24th of. October, which precisely defined the amount of the importance of Mr. Gladstone’s speech, considered as a ministerial exposition. Since that date, until yesterday, no further question has been raised upon the subject, and the excitement had altogether subsided.
It now appears that the Emperor of France has taken a positive step. The letter of M. Drouyn de l’Huys to the two powers of Russia and England appears in the newspapers. Mr. Dayton will, doubtless, give you by this steamer a full report of the communication that has been made to him by that minister, a brief abstract of which he has sent to me. It remains to be seen what fate it will meet from the parties to which it is addressed.
How it will fare with Russia I think there can scarcely be a doubt. Independently of the steady tone of Baron Brunnow, the ambassador at this court, in all his conversation with me, I find an article in a newspaper of authority at St. Petersburgh, which very distinctly signifies an indisposition to interfere in any other way than that which has already been taken by Russia.
A cabinet council was held here yesterday, when there can be no doubt that some action was had on the subject. * * * * * * *
The only check likely to be final on all this class of projects must be found in the progress of our arms. The late arrivals have brought intelligence, on the whole, of a favorable character. We learn by them that General McClellan is at last in motion, and that a conflict with the remaining army of the confederates was impending. By the issue of that struggle, the news of which we anxiously expect, we may be guided to a more clear conception of the attitude of the European powers thereafter. Should it be favorable, I doubt whether the ministers here will be at any time inclined to vary from their policy, unless with the implied assent of the United States. It is proper to add that the construction put upon the result of the popular elections, as likely to lead to some early and voluntary termination of the struggle, is not without its influence upon their determination.
I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.