Foreign Relations of the United States, 1964–1968, Volume XVI, Cyprus; Greece; Turkey

128. Telegram From the Mission in Geneva to the Department of State¹

Geneva, August 16, 1964, 6 p.m.

389. From Acheson. Lord Hood, Jernegan and I spent hour with Nikolareisis and Sossides early this afternoon and went over Turkish position carefully with them to make sure it was correctly understood.² (Mediator has told us last night that they seemed to have impression Turks had greatly hardened their attitude and were again insisting on full scale partition as basis discussion.) I made clear that Turks were perfectly willing to talk on basis of my proposals and that their partition was merely tactical counter to Greek proposals which Turks considered complete departure from line I had been taking and completely unacceptable. Greeks said they fully understood this. I then told them Erim this morning had indicated willingness to discuss long term lease of Karpas Peninsula instead of cession of sovereignty, proposed [provided] concessions were made on Greek side in regard to area covered. Explained that Turks were insisting on substantial area—at least entire Peninsula—plus absolute freedom to do what they wanted on that area without restrictions as to kind or number of troops or uses to which base might be put. Yesterday, I said, they had insisted they must also have full sovereignty, but today they had moved somewhat away from this.

I urged upon Greeks importance of giving this Turkish position serious consideration and trying to come up with something that would meet it. Repeated points previously made about Turkish views on essentiality of quid pro quo for every change made in existing treaties and again reiterated need to accept as reality Turkish feelings about prestige and national honor. Greeks made usual reply about how difficult it would be to cede area of size Turks were demanding and how useless this was from military point of view. We went around this circle a couple of times. Sossides suggested it might be useful to get impartial committee of military experts, or SACEUR himself, to arbitrate as to what area was really needed from NATO military point of view. I objected that Turks had political problem to consider as well as military and probably would not accept outside military arbitration. Also expressed doubt SACEUR would be willing undertake this duty. Sossides conceded that there was something in what I said and suggested that perhaps we could use military judgment only as starting point and then add on something to meet political problem. For example, he said, if SACEUR ruled that 25 square kilometers was enough, I could multiply this by 5 to take care of political factor.

My reply was that I thought we would do better to concentrate on what was needed to reach agreement and then bring in outside elements, such as military experts to dress up terms of settlement and give them rationale.

I told Greeks Washington was greatly disturbed by developments and would be making representation in Athens for great efforts to reach agreement and keep situation on Cyprus from blowing up. Emphasized again and again importance of keeping things quiet and keeping talks going by making some significant response to Turkish proposals, which were essentially mine. Both Nikolareisis and Sossides displayed serious doubt that GOG would consider anything like so large an area as Karpas Peninsula, but I got impression they might be somewhat impressed by my presentation and that Sossides was at least disposed to explore in Athens possibility of moving in that direction.

To my suggestion that since Mediator was no longer going to Athens today,³ it might be well for him (Sossides) to stay on longer here, he replied that he thought it more necessary he should go back to Athens and give clear picture present state of affairs. We finally agreed this probably would be best course but urged that he come back as soon as possible, preferably by Tuesday. He planned to take 3:15 flight out of Geneva this afternoon and presumably he is on his way.

We had some discussion about effect of Mediator’s illness on our talks here. Greeks were noncommittal, but at least did not say that Tuomioja’s disappearance from scene would necessarily require discontinuance.

In connection with problem of preventing trouble in Cyprus, Sossides said there were two prerequisites from GOG point of view: (a) Turkish bombing and overflights must cease; and (b) expulsion of Greeks from Istanbul must be halted. We pointed out overflights had in fact ceased and said we were working on Turks about expulsions and likewise urging them to keep Turkish-Cypriots quiet. Told them we had reason to believe from authoritative source that recent Soysal statement that all Greeks would be expelled from Istanbul after September 15th was unauthorized and did not represent policy of Inonu and Erkin.

Tubby

1. Source: Department of State, Central Files, POL 27 CYP. Secret; Priority; Exdis-TAG. Received at 5:47 p.m. and repeated to Athens, Ankara, London, USUN, DOD, CIA, and the White House.
2. Acheson reported on his morning talks with the Turks in telegram 388 from Geneva, August 16. (Ibid.)
3. Tuomioja suffered a stroke on August 16 and died on September 9. In telegram 390 from Geneva, August 16, Acheson assessed the impact of the loss of the U.N. Mediator. (Ibid.) Secretary-General Thant designated Pier P. Spinelli to oversee Tuomioja’s office on August 18, and designated Galo Plaza to succeed him as U.N. Mediator on Cyprus on September 16. He also announced that Carlos Alfredo Bernardes would replace Plaza Lasso as Special Representative of the U.N. Secretary-General in Cyprus as of September 25.