364. Memorandum of Conversation0

SUBJECT

  • United States Actions in Cuba

PARTICIPANTS

  • Ambassador Anatoliy F. Dobrynin, USSR
  • Llewellyn E. Thomson, Ambassador-at-Large, Department of State

On the occasion of his call on me today, Ambassador Dobrynin referred to the possibility of Mr. Khrushchev stopping in New York and the possibility that at that time there might be demonstrations against him or other unpleasant developments. He said he realized that I had mentioned this in a private way, and he had so informed his Government. He also referred to the fact that the President had told him how deeply the Cuban problem was felt in the United States. He said his Government understood that these remarks were prompted by good intentions. He said, however, that when one side expressed concern about [Page 863] speeches that had not yet been made, how should one regard speeches that were being made, particularly in connection with the Test Ban Treaty.

He said Mr. Khrushchev wished to convey to the President that he did not have in mind to speak on subjects that do not arise from the situation, but this depended not only on the Soviet Union, but on the United States. If provocations against Cuba continued, Mr. Khrushchev would be put in such a position that he would be compelled to react. The Soviet Union believed that if there were a real desire to improve relations, there is a wide field for action. If there is such a desire, it would have complete understanding and support on the part of the Soviet Union. It was expected that the United States Government and the President would adhere to the principle of noninterference in the internal affairs of other countries. In this case, it is only the Cubans, as the President himself had said, who should decide how Cubans are to lead their lives. If the principle of noninterference were violated in Cuba, a situation would arise where both the Soviet Union and the United States would be driven to extreme poles. It was the conviction of Mr. Khrushchev and the Soviet Union that we should make every effort to avoid such a development in the interests of our countries and of peace.

I asked Ambassador Dobrynin if his remarks about speeches meant that the Chairman had decided to speak at the General Assembly. Dobrynin said he had no information other than the fact that before leaving Moscow to return to the United States he had asked the Chairman what his plans were. The Chairman had said he would probably visit Cuba about the end of this year or the first of next year, and that then might stop over in New York. Dobrynin said he understood that U Thant had suggested to the Chairman that he visit the United Nations.

Ambassador Dobrynin asked if it were true, as indicated in the paper this morning, that the President would address the General Assembly. I said this had not yet been decided and probably would not be before the end of the week. I said that we would let him know and added that it was my understanding that if the President did speak, he would probably remain in New York only one day.

  1. Source: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Countries Series, USSR, Dobrynin Talks, Vol. II. Top Secret. Drafted by Thompson. Copies were sent to McGeorge Bundy and Rusk.