317. Letter From Foreign Minister Couve de Murville to Secretary of State Herter1

Dear Chris: Your letter of November 32 was delivered to me by Ambassador Houghton.

I was happy to talk on October 27 with Mr. Bohlen in Paris3 and to receive from him confirmation that you were at that time agreeable to support the action we had considered together in preparation for the forthcoming debate on Algeria before the United Nations.

You now tell me that such a plan could have a reasonable hope of success only in the event that, before the debate in the General Assembly, the French Government would again define officially its plan of action for settlement of the Algerian problem.

Your letter reached me at the very moment the President of the Republic was going to deliver his radio broadcast on November 4,4 about which you were undoubtedly informed.

General De Gaulle thought, indeed, that the moment had come to define his position, not so much for the sake of the United Nations, as for French public opinion. What he has just said appears to me to be, to a great extent, in line with your concern.

You noted in particular in your letter that it would be desirable to specify that the F.L.N. [Front de Libération Nationale]5 would be one of the parties to the talks that would be held after the cease fire. I wish to call your attention, in this connection, to what General De Gaulle said: “I have constantly and straightforwardly proposed to the leaders of the foreign organization of the rebellion that they take an unrestricted part in the talks relating to the organization of a future conference, then in the campaign that will develop freely on this subject, and lastly in the supervision of the voting, asking simply that first of all they agree to stop killing each other.” This statement explains clearly the one already made on June 14 last.

In general, all of the statements made on November 4 by the President of the Republic clarify the problem perfectly.

Basically, Algeria will be Algerian, with its own government and institutions. If it so desires, it will be linked with France, particularly with respect to its economy, culture, finances, and defense.

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With respect to method, only one thing is out of the question: that France deliver Algeria unconditionally to the F.L.N. We do not have the right to deliver it to any but the Algerians as a whole after they have expressed themselves freely. Moreover, if we did what the F.L.N, wishes, which would naturally entail (as Ferhat Abbas stated recently) the instant evacuation of the French Army, the immediate result would be chaos, disaster, and massacre: the wild flight of the French, atrocious acts of revenge among the Algerians, complete anarchy, and, finally, the arrival of the Russians, if not the Chinese. We do not intend to assume such a responsibility and thereby create a situation comparable to that of the Congo and a thousand times worse.

Accordingly, several stages must be envisaged: first, that the fighting cease; then, that the French Government determine jointly with the representatives of the various tendencies in Algeria the conditions and guarantees of the referendum; that the referendum be held; and, lastly, that the new institutions be established.

This is what we envisage and would be unwilling to render more difficult by a United Nations motion requesting its intervention in supervising the referendum. I might add that such a motion, which we, of course, would not accept, would signify the assumption of command by the United Nations together with military occupation. Here again we are familiar with the Congolese precedent.

At the conclusion of your letter you state that the attitude of the African members of the French Community may be determining in the vote that will be taken by the Assembly. We fully concur in this view and are endeavoring to act accordingly.

I should like to know your reactions to the foregoing.

Sincerely yours,

Couve6
  1. Source: Department of State, Presidential Correspondence: Lot 66 D 204. Secret. The source text is a Department of State translation.
  2. Supra.
  3. See footnote 2, supra.
  4. For text of De Gaulle’s address on the Algerian political situation, see Major Addresses, Statements and Press Conferences of General Charles de Gaulle, May 19, 1958–January 31, 1964, pp. 99–103.
  5. Brackets in the source text.
  6. Printed from a copy that bears this typed signature.