STATEMENT OF U.S. POLICY TOWARD THE WEST INDIES
1. Free World orientation of The West Indies including (a) cooperation with
the United States in world affairs, (b) economic development conducive to
the maintenance of political stability, pro-Western orientation and free
democratic institutions, (c) cooperation with the Free World defense
efforts, and (d) preservation of freedom from Communist influence.
2. Orderly progress toward independence and subsequent maintenance of a
stable and democratic government.
3. U.S. access to such military rights and facilities as may be required by
U.S. national security interests.
4. Both before and after independence, to the extent feasible rely on the
United Kingdom to influence and support The West Indies in recognition of
acknowledged U.K. responsibilities, and at the same
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time recognize that geographic propinquity and U.S.
interests in the federation will result in close relations with the United
States and in an increasing identity of federation interests with the United
States.
5. Without weakening its ties with the Commonwealth, encourage The West
Indies to establish a constructive relationship with other nations of the
Western Hemisphere and with OAS and other
hemispheric organizations.
6. Continue to support the Caribbean Commission and its successor, the
Caribbean Organization, and to encourage participation of The West Indies in
it.
7. To the extent feasible encourage efforts of The West Indies to establish a
strong central government.
8. Be prepared as appropriate to encourage British Guiana to join the
federation.
9. Promote, through information and educational exchange programs and other
appropriate means, (a) understanding of and friendship with the United
States and (b) appreciation by The West Indies of the role it can play in
over-all Western Hemispheric defense by permitting U.S. retention of its
military facilities in the area.
10. As The West Indies achieves independence, encourage it (a) to make the
maximum contribution to its own economic development, (b) to eliminate
barriers to trade and investment, particularly those which discriminate
against the United States, (c) to take measures capable of attracting
maximum amounts of external private capital, (d) to look essentially to the
British Commonwealth, to the Free World international financial
institutions, and to private investment to meet its needs for external
capital, and (e) to avoid unrealistic expectations of U.S. assistance both
before and after independence.
11. Urge the United Kingdom to continue, both before and after independence,
to assume the basic responsibility of assuring that the needs of The West
Indies for external capital are met.
12. While relying on the United Kingdom, Canada and other Commonwealth
countries, Free World international financial institutions and private
sources to meet the requirements of The West Indies for external capital,
provide technical assistance and modest economic assistance on a grant or
loan basis as may be required to demonstrate U.S. interest in The West
Indies which, together with the entire Latin American area, is of vital
significance to the United States and also to support over-all U.S. efforts
to maintain continued U.S. access to required military facilities.
13. Encourage U.S. private foundations to undertake activities in The West
Indies particularly in the field of education.
14. Encourage the strengthening of democratic trade unionism, and an
appreciation on the part of the West Indian trade union movement of U.S.
foreign policy and defense objectives. Encourage American firms having
interests in the federation to support free trade unionism as a bulwark
against extremist movements (e.g., Communist and ultra-nationalist).
15. Encourage acceptance by The West Indies of the concept that, when
independent, its contribution to the defense of the hemisphere and of the
Commonwealth will consist of (a) ensuring its own internal security and (b)
continuing to make available those base rights and facilities in The West
Indies which are essential to the fulfillment of the U.S. primary
responsibility for hemispheric military operations. Toward this end, make an
early effort to associate The West Indies with agreements between the United
States and the United Kingdom concerning base rights and facilities in The
West Indies, if possible, before The West Indies obtains independence.
16. Utilize appropriate U.S. programs to assist in maintaining a climate
within The West Indies which will be conducive to the retention of U.S. base
rights and facilities. Urge the United Kingdom and Canada to use their
influence in the maintenance of such a climate.
17. With a view to placing maximum U.S. effort on the retention, after The
West Indies become independent, of required areas and on obtaining the right
to acquire new areas which may be required, be prepared to negotiate for the
extension of present rights to these important areas and facilities,
offering to release outright certain other leased areas which are clearly no
longer required.
18. Should it become necessary for the United States to make financial or
other arrangements for the maintenance of required U.S. base rights and
facilities in the area, be prepared to offer additional assistance or other
appropriate quid pro quo, commensurate with the value of these rights and
facilities to the United States.2
19. Make clear to the United Kingdom and to The West Indies that we expect
the United Kingdom to provide such external military assistance as may be
required for the federation’s internal security forces. However, if this
approach fails and if required to achieve U.S. objectives
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in The West Indies, consider, after
consultation with the United Kingdom, providing U.S. assistance to meet the
federation’s minimum legitimate internal security requirements.
Annex
U.S. POLICY TOWARD THE WEST INDIES
General Considerations
1. The West Indies, a new federation, officially came into existence on
January 3, 1958. It consists of ten island territories: Jamaica,
Trinidad and Tobago, Barbados, Antigua, Dominica, Grenada, Montserrat,
St. Christopher-Nevis and Anguilla, St. Lucia, and St. Vincent. (The
Bahamas, the British Virgin Islands, British Honduras and British Guiana
are not in the federation.) These islands in the Caribbean Sea extend in
an arc of about 1500 miles from Jamaica in the northwest to Trinidad in
the southeast. Their total land area is about 8000 square miles and the
total population about 3,000,000. Approximately 80% of the land area and
75% of the population are on the three largest territories—Jamaica,
Barbados, and Trinidad and Tobago.
2. About 88% of the population is of African or mixed origin with a large
East Indian minority on Trinidad. Population density is already very
high and a rapid population increase is continuing. The islands are
generally under-developed and technical skills are lacking. There is
substantial unemployment and under employment. Living standards on the
small islands, which have approximately one-fourth of the population of
The West Indies, are very low, although the average per capita income
for The West Indies as a whole is higher than that of the great majority
of the less-developed nations and exceeds the average for all Latin
America. Although illiteracy is common, it is not as widespread as in
many other less-developed nations and there is a substantial educated
leadership.
Political
3. Although no specific date was set when the federation was established
in 1958, it was widely believed that it would receive independence
(dominion status within the Commonwealth) within five years (by 1963).
Independence may come, however, by the end of 1960 or early 1961. The
present constitution of the federation gives the central government only
weak powers over the governments of the unit territories. There is
conflict among the territories about steps to be taken to strengthen the
authority of the central government and to strengthen the cohesion of
the units. During the period prior to independence,
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the United Kingdom government will
continue to have authority in the fields of foreign affairs, defense,
and financial stability. In the exercise of this authority, however, it
is already clearly evident that the United Kingdom takes fully into
account the wishes of the federal and unit governments and is not
disposed to act without their concurrence.
4. The structure of the governments, both unit and federal, is modeled
after the British cabinet system. The Crown is represented on the
federal level by a Governor-General and on the unit level by Governors
in the three large territories and Administrators in the other
units.
5. The Federal Labor Party (FLP) has a
narrow margin in the federal parliament and has formed the first
government of The West Indies. It and the opposition, the Democratic
Labor Party (DLP), are amalgamations of
allied parties within the unit territories. The FLP is mildly socialist in orientation, rather like the
British Labor Party, and is inclined to be more pro-federation than the
DLP. On neither of these issues,
however, or on other major issues facing the federation, are the two
parties far apart. Although the political parties in the federation are
moving away from groupings formed around personalities rather than
around issues, the personalities of the leaders continue to play a large
part in party structure.
6. There has so far been no significant political or economic
infiltration of the federation by international Communism. There are a
few indigenous Communists but their influence is negligible. Practically
all trade unions, with the exception of the Bustamante Industrial Trade
Union, Jamaica, and a few minor unions, are members of the ICFTU. There is no Communist union of any
significance. However, as is true in any less-developed country, there
are conditions in the federation which could be exploited by the
Communists should the Soviet Union undertake a concerted drive in the
federation or should economic conditions seriously deteriorate.
Economic
7. The West Indies possesses modest resources, including petroleum in
Trinidad and, in Jamaica, the Free World’s largest reserves of bauxite,
but agriculture continues to provide the principal sources of livelihood
for the people. A rapidly growing tourist industry provides a
significant foreign exchange income and promises to be of increasing
importance to the federation’s economy in the future.3
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8. Economically, The West Indies is closely tied to the United Kingdom
for historical reasons and also because the United Kingdom buys certain
West Indian agricultural products at higher than world market prices and
gives West Indian imports preferential tariff treatment. British
investors have invested heavily in the islands. In 1958 about 39% of The
West Indies’ trade was with the United Kingdom. In recent years, the
United States has become the second trading partner, and in 1958
accounted for about 18% of The West Indies’ trade. Canada was third with
about 9%. With the recent relaxation upon dollar imports there is little
doubt but that the U.S. and Canadian share of trade with the area will
increase. U.S. investors have supplied $300–500 million in private
capital, particularly for petroleum, bauxite and tourist development.
Canadian investors have provided about one-half the capital for the
exploitation of Jamaican bauxite.
9. Since World War II, the United Kingdom has provided direct financial
assistance to The West Indies at a higher rate, on a per capita basis,
than to almost any other British dependent territory. Because of its
interest in keeping the federation within the Commonwealth and basically
oriented toward the United Kingdom, it is probable that the United
Kingdom will seek to ensure that the federation is able to maintain
economic stability even after it becomes fully independent. The British
have already committed themselves to make a block grant through the
federation government for budgetary support of some of the smaller
territories during the first ten years after establishment of the
federation and invited the federation to continue to turn to the United
Kingdom for help in planning and financing its economic development.
Nevertheless, it is likely that the United Kingdom would encourage the
assumption by the United States of a part of the burden of public
assistance to the federation but would seek to retain, so far as
practicable, the present orientation of The West Indies toward the
United Kingdom and the Commonwealth. The West Indies, anxious to speed
economic development, may be expected to press for U.S. aid even though
the Commonwealth continues to provide substantial assistance.
10. Very few other countries are currently receiving as much external
public and private capital, on a per capita basis, as The West Indies.
In 1959, the amounts received appear to be roughly equivalent to 13% of
the GNP. In 1959 the U.K. Government
provided a total of $17 million in grants and loans to The West Indies
for budget support and economic development. The sum of $25 million has
been allocated for development purposes (in addition to budgetary
support) for the period 1960 to 1964. Canada has provided technical
assistance and aid to $10 million for a five-year period, most of which
will be spent on two ships. The U.S. Government has provided technical
assistance to Jamaica at a rate of $200–300 thousand per year since 1955
and in
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FY 1959 provided technical assistance
totalling $200 thousand to the federation and special assistance
totalling $400 thousand. It is estimated the private capital is flowing
into the area, primarily to Jamaica and Trinidad, at a rate of roughly
$100 million per year.
Military
11. The colonial status of The West Indies has naturally influenced the
development of its limited military forces. These forces, under British
supervision, have served internal security purposes and have provided a
means for showing the flag. In the entire Caribbean area, U.K. forces
total about 900 troops. This includes a central headquarters at
Kingston, Jamaica, and the 1st Battalion, Worcestershire Regiment (about
660 men), which is garrisoned not only in The West Indies (Jamaica), but
also in British Guiana, British Honduras and at Nassau in the Bahamas.
In addition, The West Indian Regiment (Battalion), which is composed of
native troops (515 men), is stationed at Kingston, Jamaica. Plans are
now being made concerning the future of these units when The West Indies
achieves independence. However, nothing firm is known concerning the
details of these plans.
12. At present the United States has arrangements with the United Kingdom
which allow for U.S. use of more than two dozen different locations for
the conduct of specified military activities. It is extremely doubtful
that, in international law, U.S. rights to these facilities will
continue upon the achievement of independence by the federation without
the specific consent of the federation. Accordingly, the United States
plans to negotiate with the British and The West Indies in the
pre-independence period concerning the continuation of these rights. The
status of these U.S. installations is as follows. The United States
presently has four military facilities in the federation which are
leased for 99 years under the “Destroyer-Bases” agreement. These are the
Chaquamaras Naval Station on Trinidad (including a prototype BMEWS station), an active
missile-tracking station on Antigua, an inactive missile-tracking
station on St. Lucia, and a specialized military installation on
Antigua. Under shorter-term agreements, the United States has one
specialized military installation on Barbados and another on Grand Turk
Island. We have had informal talks with the British about replacing this
latter station with a site on Jamaica. The United States also has 16
de-activated base areas of varying size which it is prepared to
relinquish immediately. In addition, there are three de-activated Air
Force bases (Waller and Carlson in Trinidad and Vernam in Jamaica) as
well as a few smaller installations, the relinquishment of which, in
whole or part, is currently under review in the light of existing or
potential military requirements.
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Importance of The West Indies to the
United States
13. The formation of this new nation, which at its nearest point will be
only about 500 miles from southern Florida, will be of significance to
the United States for several reasons:
- a.
- It will be the first new nation to come into existence in the
Latin American area since Panama became independent in 1903.
(Although its land area is small, the federation has a
population larger than that of most of the present independent
nations in Central America and the Caribbean.)
- b.
- Because of their Afro-Asian background, the people of the
federation will be likely to have a greater affinity for the
Afro-Asian nations than the peoples of other Western Hemisphere
nations. Hence the federation may be tempted to give support to
Afro-Asian interests.
- c.
- With the relatively strong democratic political tradition
which it developed under British leadership, the federation
could become an example of stable democracy in an area which
sorely needs such an example.
- d.
- The strategic location of the islands has caused the United
States to establish on them certain military installations which
contribute to the air and sea defenses of the Western
Hemisphere. Some of the U.S. peacetime facilities on the islands
are important as tracking stations for essential missile
development work, while others are important to military
training activities. In the event of war, certain of these
installations will be important to the defense of the Panama
Canal, the southern approaches to the United States, and the
shipping routes between Latin and North America. Additionally,
these facilities are important to the initial and continuing
defenses of the continental United States.
- e.
- U.S. economic interests in the federation are sizeable. For
example, in 1959, estimated U.S. imports included about 4.5
million tons of bauxite from Jamaica and 15 million barrels of
oil from Trinidad.
Obstacles to the Attainment of U.S.
Objectives
14. Fragmentation of governmental authority is an
obstacle to coherent political development of the federation. At
present, the British exercise political authority in some fields, the
unit territory governments in others, and the federal government in
still others. There is probably general agreement within the federation
that as it moves closer to independence, the federal government must be
given increased authority, but there is by no means agreement as to the
manner or time in which such authority will be given, or as to the
degree of centralization acceptable.
15. Separatism within the federation is an
obstacle to political and economic stability and growth. Jamaica, the
largest unit, is currently opposed to surrendering to the central
government those powers which the federation needs to function
effectively. A major problem, for example, concerns the bases of
political representation in and sources of revenue for the central
government. Free movement of
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persons and of goods (customs union) among the islands of the federation
would seem to be essential to its development, but conflicts among the
units are making this difficult of achievement. There exists on Jamaica
a large body of opinion in favor of Jamaican withdrawal from the
federation. Such withdrawal is unlikely, but should it occur it would
greatly weaken the federation.
16. Population Pressure. Most of the islands
comprising the federation are overpopulated. Barbados, to take the
extreme example, has one of the highest population densities in the
world—about 1400 persons per square mile. On the other hand, two British
dependencies outside the federation, British Guiana and British
Honduras, have large land areas and small populations. If those two
territories joined the federation they could furnish something of a
“frontier” which would be of considerable psychological importance to
the new nation and might have some economic importance. Jamaicans,
particularly, would tend to support federation with more enthusiasm if
these “escape valves” for surplus population existed. Neither British
Guiana nor British Honduras appears at present disposed to join the
federation, however. It is not likely that British Honduras will ever
join. British Guiana may join if it can see a clear advantage in doing
so. Such an advantage will probably not become apparent, however, until
some time after the federation acquires independence.
17. Rising nationalism in the area, although it may contribute to a sense
of national pride in the federation and ultimately to cohesion of the
units, tends at present to be a divisive factor because it is oriented
to the individual units. This orientation is gradually changing.
Nationalism, however, also brings with it some hazard of political
unrest for, if political leaders promise substantially more than they
can achieve through democratic processes, a climate favorable to
totalitarian solutions may develop. Development of a militant West
Indies nationalism with concomitant rejection of foreign influence and
intrusions on the national territory would make the retention of U.S.
bases and other interests in the federation increasingly difficult.
18. Anti-white sentiment exists in the federation
now and it can be expected to continue to be a problem. Such sentiment
could be directed externally toward countries with predominantly white
populations (including the United States). Moreover, the West Indians
are aware that racial discrimination exists in the United States and
some individuals have suffered indignities during visits here. The
resulting antagonism creates difficulties for us in retaining the
friendship of the new country and in retaining our installations
there.
19. Our immigration legislation which provides
non-quota status for immigrants from the present independent countries
of the Western Hemisphere, but establishes restricted subquotas for The
West Indies, occasions considerable resentment in the area. It should be
noted that
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any action taken by
the United States with respect to immigration from The West Indies will
have a pronounced effect on all aspects of U.S. relations with The West
Indies. (At present each of the ten units of the federation has a
subquota of 100, giving the federation as a whole an effective quota of
1,000. As the law now stands, when the federation becomes a new nation,
it will be allocated the minimum quota of 100. The Executive Branch is
supporting legislation before the Congress which will (a) raise the
subquotas to 200 and (b) permit new nations to retain the quotas to
which they were entitled prior to independence. If both provisions are
enacted into law, the quota of the federation after independence would
thus be 2,000.)
20. Opposition to U.S. Bases. There does not
appear to be substantial opposition to a U.S. military presence in the
area. There exists among some officials of the federation and among the
people of Trinidad, however, a strong desire that the United States
withdraw from the naval base at Chaquaramas in order to make it
available as a capitol site. Our refusal to release this base has
created a political problem and has directed attention to the over-all
base question. There has also been some dissatisfaction concerning the
U.S. failure to release unused areas. On the other hand, there is no
reason to believe that there is any particular desire to have active
bases other than Chaquaramas relinquished. There is a desire for
revision of the present U.S.–U.K. Leased Bases Agreement and for release
of inactive areas.
21. Inadequate Understanding of U.S. Defense
Interests. There is an absence of real awareness on the part of
the population as a whole of any mutuality of interest between their
government and that of the United States in U.S. military facilities in
The West Indies or of the economic benefits which accrue to the
federation from these military facilities.
22. Poverty. Despite higher living standards than
in most less-developed nations, poverty in some parts of the federation,
particularly the Leeward and Windward Islands, constitutes a continuing
hazard for the development of democratic institutions. Unless political
leaders in the area can find some means of alleviating poverty, support
for extremist solutions to local problems could rapidly develop. There
is a conspicuous inability among West Indians, even those who are
well-educated, to comprehend why the United States, with its presumably
limitless resources and extensive international aid program, cannot
provide greater assistance to the new neighboring unit.
23. Dependence upon Agriculture. Agriculture
constitutes the main source of livelihood for the people of the
federation, and the federation faces the familiar economic hazards of
most nations which are producers of a few raw materials.
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24. Absence of Ties with
Other Countries in the Western Hemisphere. Heretofore the
primary orientation of the federation has been toward the United
Kingdom, and to a lesser degree toward Canada and the United States.
Otherwise there has been little contact with other nations in the
Western Hemisphere or with hemispheric organizations. The federation
will participate in the activities of the Caribbean Commission,4 soon to be known
as the Caribbean Organization, but this is a local organization of other
dependencies and involves little contact with independent nations of the
hemisphere. Conversely, Latin American nations have evinced little
interest in the federation. This makes difficult the development in the
federation of an interest in hemispheric cooperation and defense.
25. Opportunistic leadership presently exists in
The West Indies, particularly on Trinidad, and thrives on its efforts to
make maximum political capital from the grievances against the United
States which are indicated earlier in this section.
[Here follows a Financial Appendix comprising two parts: Part A entitled
“Cost Implications of Existing Policies” and Part B entitled “Cost
Implications of Proposed Policies.”]