Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954, Africa and South Asia, Volume XI, Part 1

745A.00/2–2453

The Ambassador in the Union of South Africa (Gallman) to the Department of State

confidential
No. 44

Capetown, February 24, 1953.¹

Subject:

• Possible Steps to Ameliorate South Africa’s Racial Tension

The Embassy has given considerable study to South Africa’s fundamental problem of race relations which has taken into account the thoughts and opinions of observers and other individuals directly concerned with that problem. As a result of this study, we have concluded that there are certain steps which any South African government, of whatever party or political complexion, would be well advised to take in an effort to ameliorate racial tension and move towards a solution of the racial problem. For various reasons,—the growing political awareness of the non-White Africans, the beginnings of effective political organization as evidenced by the recently inaugurated and successfully carried out (at least in its initial stage) resistance campaign, and the forthcoming general election in which the racial question and the issues springing from it (such as the constitutional question) will play a major role,—we believe that this is a good time to report our thoughts to the Department.

1) We believe that the first step, both in time and in substance, must be consultation between the Government and the responsible and moderate non-White leaders. Such consultations are a part of the United Party policy (see Embassy despatch No. 334 of December 10, 1952)² and have been repeatedly urged by Mr. Strauss,³ the Leader of the United Party, and advocated by that Party in the present session of Parliament. We have been informed that the Prime Minister, Dr. Malan, has been willing to consult with the Native leaders but has indicated that the initiative must appear to come from the latter. We have been further informed, however, that the Native and other non-White leaders have not wished to take the initiative in this matter since they do not feel that there is yet sufficient popular Native pressure behind this movement to provide the basis for successful negotiation with the Government. This is understandable, as the combined Indian-Native organization is only months old and consists of only a small proportion of the vast non-White population. Racial relations have worsened under the Nationalist Government with its rigid apartheid policy; the significant beginning of an organized non-White movement of action having a definite purpose has been hastened by that policy, and the absence of recognized channels of Government-Native consultation has reduced the Government’s reaction to one of suppression only. The Public Safety and Criminal Law Amendment Bills designed, respectively, to deal with disturbances and the resistance movement, passed by the Government with United Party support in this session of Parliament, are the latest steps in the Government’s suppressive course.

Responsibility for the establishment of adequate consultative machinery rests with the Government.

2) The abolition of the pass laws⁴ is an essential item on this program. They perform no useful function in society and are a fundamental source of racial tension. The sooner they go, the better for South Africa.

3) The industrial “color bar”⁵ is another burning issue in the Native mind. In so far as it lies within its power, the Union Government should abolish the color bar as a fundamental plank of industrial policy. In many cases this would only constitute recognition of what is in fact current practice in industry.

4) The Government should grant freehold rights to urbanized Natives and recognize them unequivocally as a permanent part of the urban community. This is advocated by the United Party, which accepts the economic integration of the Natives (indeed, its followers have benefited by this integration) and looks upon them as a continuing part of South African urban life. The racial issue has become crucial because of the advance of the Native as a result of his urbanization. The Nationalist Party in theory if not in practice looks upon the Natives as transitory in the urban areas. Freehold rights for urbanized Natives will give them roots and security and thus contribute to a greater sense of responsibility.

The legal prohibition against Natives in the Reserves⁶ acquiring additional non-Reserve land should be modified in conjunction with programs of assistance in developing Native-owned lands and encouraging a diversified economy.

5) Adequate housing must be provided without delay for the urbanized Native. This is a basic need from the standpoint of family life and all that connotes as the basis of a healthy nation.

6) Educational opportunities for Natives must be increased both as to level and scope. The educational program should have as its goal compulsory primary education for all non-White children and the possibility of further education for those who seek it.

7) Finally, the political franchise must be granted to those non-Whites who can qualify therefor on a reasonable basis. There can be no. question of a general franchise for Natives, the vast majority of whom are illiterate, and at this stage totally incompetent to use properly the franchise. The result of a general franchise could be a breakdown of the political structure of the Union, and at the extreme, chaos. It could open the gates to seizure of power by irresponsible elements or by Communists. But on the other hand, political rights are at the heart of the racial issue and are the ultimate goal of the educated and politically aware non-Whites. All of the other steps together will not sufficiently satisfy him or cause him to desist from reaching for the franchise. With increasing political awareness and organization and strength, the Native must inevitably press towards this goal, and if it is withheld from him, in the end he will seize it. It is, therefore, much better to grant him the franchise on a basis which assures orderly political and social development in South Africa than to have him forcefully take it.

Both affording of increased opportunities for non-Whites in the economic and professional fields and the granting of a qualified franchise will require a revolution in thought of the ruling White minority. Therefore, while these goals should be viewed as parts of a whole if the racial issue in South Africa is to be resolved, some steps may have to be taken before others, and the timing of the grant of the franchise may have to be determined in the light of the progress of events after the initial steps have been taken. The important point is that all South Africans should recognize that the whole program is necessary and that their country with all its diversities, is in fact one interdependent community.

For the Ambassador:

James C. Sappington, 3d
First Secretary of Embassy

1. This despatch was received in the Department of State on Mar. 11, 1953.
2. Not printed. (745A.00/12–1052)
3. Jacobus Gideon Nel Strauss.
4. Reference is to the Population Registration Act of 1950 and subsequent legislation, which provided for the compilation of the entire population as White, Colored, or Native and required the carrying of identity cards.
5. Reference is to the system, established under the Group Areas Act of 1950, under which the races were segregated by residence, occupation, and trade.
6. Reference is to areas within South Africa reserved for the Native population.