It has encountered serious opposition, and up to the present all attempts to
secure approval have failed, and the session is likely to close without any
favorable action. The opposition attack the contract with two objections:
First, the alleged want of responsibility and capital of the contractors;
[Page 551]
and, second, the bad policy
and danger to the country of conferring such privileges upon an American
company and of extending railroad connections to the United States.
The latter objection has always been used by a certain class of public men in
this country, who look with jealousy and fear upon any railroad connections
with the United States, and it becomes the rallying-cry of all opponents of
such enterprises, many of which persons are in fact influenced rather by
personal than political reasons. As indicating the line of argument used in
debate, I inclose herewith an extract from the speech of Hon. Alfred
Chavero, one of the most prominent and intelligent deputies of the present
Congress.
Since writing the above, and just as I close this dispatch, I have learned
that the Chamber of Deputies voted to day almost unanimously to confer upon
the President authority to contract for an interoceanic railroad, which is a movement designed not only to
defeat the contract with General Palmer referred to above, but all railroads
projected to connect with those of the United States.
[Inclosure in No.
712.—Translation.]
opposition to american railroads in
mexico.
Speech of Hon. Alfred Chavero in the
National Chamber of Deputies, May 22, 1878.
[The first part of the speech is an attack upon the responsibility of
persons who apply for the concession, charging that they do not possess
or represent the pecuniary capital necessary for the enterprise, which,
owing to its personal character, is omitted.]
The argument which I am about to make has already been made on another
occasion by a man as patriotic as Mr. Lomus, one of the most valiant men
whom I have known, and who has also been very cowardly when the future
of the nation has been under discussion. It is a pleasure for me to be a
coward in company with such valiant men.
I think, sir, that it is very poor policy, very injudicious, to establish
within our country a powerful American company. Perhaps I should not
venture to meet this question; but when I believe that I comply with my
duty, although I fear for the good of the country, I have no fear of
anything else. Let me suppose that this company is exceedingly rich; let
me suppose that this company is going to build the railroad for us in
five years, in five days; then I tremble at this, because we are going
to establish within our territory an American influence.
I do not fear to speak of the American question. In the Senate and in the
Congress of the United States they talk of our questions, and they are
neither more valiant nor have they a better right than we to consider
them.
The United States have at the present time slight
difficulties with us; the gentlemen deputies see that I am kind and call
them slight. It is very probable that in the future they will continue
to have them, that they may even have graver difficulties. The whole
nation has seen the attitude taken by the United States upon the change
of situation, and how much time has been consumed in the recognition of
our government; and they did it, not from good-will; and they did it,
not as the result of our measures; but because a Senator named Conkling,
an enemy of Mr. Evarts, in order to make war upon him, brought about the
recognition of our government. And a question of internal politics, one
of opposition on the part of Mr. Conkling and of adjustment on the part
of Mr. Evarts, produced this recognition; it was neither kindly feeling
nor the recognition of justice of our case which produced it.
It is necessary to speak the whole truth and it is known that
difficulties are pending.
In a former Congress a minister of foreign affairs of Mr. Juarez, who
never had fear, presented these same observations, these same
difficulties; there was no lack of deputies who called him a coward, and
who said that in the United States the Republican party was in power,
which was the friend of Mexico.
But we have seen during the administration of the Republican party that
General Grant, our friend, did not hesitate to state in a message that
the manifest destiny of the United States was to acquire territory. Very
well; to-day things have changed; the Democratic party, our enemy, has
such influence in the United States that it already has the ascendency
and influences Mr. Hayes himself, and Mr. Hayes has given us no other
proof of regard than the postponement of our recognition for a year and
a half. But I desire to think that the United States are our best
friends and not to doubt that Mr. Hayes has the desire to always
preserve a good understanding with
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us; but are we Mexicans so inferior that we can
see nothing but the present hour and have no thought for the future?
There are two severe laws in history and these laws are not to be
forgotten. The first is this: Border nations are natural enemies. A
certain English writer said, “Happy Great Britain, that has no other
frontier than the seas;” and without referring to history but
considering only contemporaneous acts, who despoiled France of a section
of territory? The bordering nation, Germany. Who is invading Turkey at
the present time? The bordering nation, Russia. Why are preparations
being made for a war between England and Russia? For the border
possessions of Asia, possessions of England and Russia. What war is
there between Spain and Switzerland, between Italy and Russia? None. It
is a natural law of history that border nations are enemies. They may
appear to be very friendly in their relations, because one fears the
power of the other on account of its superior diplomacy or of its
peculiar policy; but at the bottom, naturally, in conformity with the
laws of history, border nations are enemies.
And this is so true, gentlemen deputies, that at the present time we have
no difficulties either with England, which we do not recognize, nor with
France, with whom our relations are severed, nor with Austria, for whom
we have shot an archduke; but we have them with the United States, the
border nation on the north, and with Guatemala, the border nation on the
south.
Hence, sir, the United States, according to the law of history, are
naturally our enemy. What ought we to do? Be always strong, be always
prepared, even in the moments of greatest friendship with them. Because
we do not know what may come later on, what difficulties may take place.
And will it be prudent in this case to place the enemy within our house?
Is it bravery in a general to let the enemy get in his rear, or is it
imprudence? And we are here, sent by the people, to be prudent, and to
watch for their well-being and for their future.
There is also another law in history: Nations of the north necessarily
invade the nations of the south. Let the history of the emigrations of
the different races be read from prehistoric times, and the nations of
the north will always be seen tending to conquer the nations of the
south. Unfortunately, we do not need to recur to foreign histories; a
rich part of our territory has become the prey of the United States; and
we do not wish to learn, nor to open our eyes! Hence, if, in accordance
with the laws of history, we should always fear the United States, what
are we to do? Strengthen ourselves. What are we to do? Unite ourselves.
What are we to do? Progress, and progress in such a manner that there
will be no danger for us not establishing within our territory an
American company which will have a most powerful influence.
We have seen that a hundred leagues of railroad from here to Vera Cruz
have given such influence to the English company that many times this
very influence has been sufficient to decide the votes of the Chamber,
and shall we be so insane as to consent to the establishment of an
American influence by a company which will embrace the whole country, as
the committee has said, all our sections and all our roads? What a
powerful influence that would be! And could not this powerful influence
be converted into a hostile influence? What would all the advantages
which the railroad may bring to the States be worth then?
You, the deputies of the States, would you exchange your beautiful and
poor liberty of the present for the rich subjection which the railroad
could give you? Go and propose to the lion of the desert to exchange his
cave of rocks for a golden cage, and the lion of the desert will reply
to you with a roar of liberty.
We desire material improvements; we have approved of the general idea of
the construction of the railroad; but we do not wish to subject
ourselves either to the ridicule of granting this railroad to a company
which has not the necessary funds, nor to a danger for the independence
and the future of the country.
For this reason, I pray you, gentlemen deputies, to reject the article
discussed. The committees at the most offer you riches for the country;
I beg you for liberty. [Applause of the deputies and in the
galleries.]
