Papers Relating to Foreign Affairs, Accompanying the Annual Message of the President to the Second Session of the Fortieth Congress
Mr. Seys to Mr. Seward
Sir: I have the honor to enclose two copies of the message of his Excellency the President of Liberia, at the opening of the legislature now in session.
I take pleasure in calling attention of the department to the fact that the daring violation of the revenue laws of this republic on the part of one Harris, a subject of Great Britain, to which reference is made in the said message, is being duly punished.
An appeal being taken to the supreme court of Liberia from the recent decision of a lower court in which the defendant was found guilty, the final adjudication of the case is still pending.
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I have the honor to be, sir, your most obedient servant,
Hon. William H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
Message of the President of Liberia to the legislature in joint session, December 6, 1866.
Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives of the Republic of Liberia:
The expiration of another twelvemonth has brought around the period when it becomes my duty to lay before you a statement of the affairs of the republic, and to recommend such measures as appear to me calculated to enhance the welfare of the nation.
In discharging this duty, I have to invite you to unite with me in rendering unfeigned thanks to our Heavenly Father for the blessings with which the past year has been crowned. The immunity we have enjoyed from those epidemic diseases which have been the scourges of other lands, the bountiful harvests that have blessed the labors of the husbandman, the peace that has prevailed to a great extent within our borders, are unmistakable marks of Divine favor; and for these mercies we should show ourselves grateful by pursuing such a course of conduct as will meet the approbation of the Almighty.
Our relations with foreign nations are satisfactory, with the exception of the northwestern boundary dispute. This question, which has been pending for the last five years, without having yet come to a solution, must be settled before it can be determined which of the two governments—this or her Britannic Majesty’s—is responsible for the numerous atrocities which have been committed, as well as for those which are daily being committed by the natives in the territories in dispute. The predatory wars waged by the natives in those parts of the country against the peaceful natives living in close proximity to our settlement at Grand Cape Mount, and to the great detriment of that settlement; the vast amount of merchandise introduced from adjoining provinces, without bringing a revenue to the government; the open rebellion of the natives, instigated by unprincipled traders living within the territories claimed by this government, are evils which are likely to continue for a long time, and to affect more injuriously the interests of the republic, unless this question of boundary be at once set at rest. The finances of the government have not been in such a condition as to allow us to occupy those windward territories with civilized settlements, or we might long since have availed ourselves of the surest method of confirming the claim which we have rightfully acquired by fair and honorable purchase. On this subject the government has renewed the correspondence which, two years ago, was broken off by the brief reply of the British government to the last requisition of the Liberian government; and it is to be hoped that the magnanimity and keen sense of justice of the British government will allow the question to be put at rest speedily and amicably.
I have appointed Monsieur L. Carrance consul for the republic at Bordeaux, in France. I have also granted a commission to Señor Senmarti’y Brogues as Liberian consul at Barcelona and Madrid, in Spain. I felt particular gratification in making this appointment; and in a despatch from the Spanish minister for foreign affairs we are assured that it was hailed by her Catholic Majesty’s government as the forerunner of the establishment of friendly and commercial relations between the two countries.
During the year I have granted my exequatur to Samuel F. McGill, esq., consul for Sweden and Norway; also to C. T. W. F. Jantzen, esq., consul for Hamburg, at Monrovia.
[Page 321]It is with feelings of inexpressible sorrow that I have to announce to you the death of Abraham Hanson, esq., late United States consul general and commissioner, which occurred in the month of July last, at the legation in Monrovia. The death of Mr. Hanson cast a deep gloom over our communities. Never has a foreign functionary stood higher in the estimation of a people than Mr. Hanson did in that of Liberians, nor succeeded in establishing a better understanding than that which subsisted between Mr. Hanson and the government to which he was accredited. As a gentleman of Christian character, of kind and benevolent disposition, endearing himself to all who knew him, and as a libeial-minded public functionary, Mr. Hanson justly merited every mark of respect shown to him, and his memory claims a prominent place in the affections of this people.
To fill the office made vacant by the death of Mr. Hanson, the government of the United States has appointed William A. Johnson, esq., vice-consul general at Monrovia; and I have accorded to him my exequatur.
The government has been invited to participate in the International Exhibition to be held in Paris during the next year. It will be to me a matter of profound regret if, from any consideration, the government should be compelled to decline the generous offer. Such exhibitions tend, to a great extent, to bring into notice the products and commodities of different countries; and considering the limited commerce of Liberia, notwithstanding her vast but undeveloped resources, we should put forth a vigorous effort to improve the opportunity now afforded the country of exhibiting to the world its rich products.
In the latter part of 1864, we made application to the government of the United States for the purchase of a gunboat. The application was generously responded to, and the sale of a vessel on very liberal terms was provided for. It is expected that this gunboat will arrive here before the adjournment of your present session, and I have, therefore, to request that provision be made for her maintenance during the ensuing year.
A treaty of amity and commerce has recently been negotiated between this republic and the empire of Austria, which I will lay before the senate for ratification.
The postal convention between this government and that of Great Britain continues in operation. Recent arrangements provide that the steamers bearing the monthly mails shall touch at Monrovia as well as Cape Palmas. This gives us increased facilities for communicating with foreign countries. But, in order to have regular intercourse between our settlements, and to prevent those serious delays which too often occur in the operations of the government from want of mail carriage, it is necessary that you provide some sure and economical means for conveying the mails to and from the different settlements along the coast.
A proposition has been made to this government by a wealthy and influential gentleman in France to establish in this city, under the patronage of our government, an international hospital. He petitions for a grant of land suitable tor this benevolent object, and a small appropriation to assist in the enterprise. I hope you will take this subject under favorable consideration.
The sea-port towns all over the civilized world could not give a stronger expression of their appreciation of the severe toil and abundant services of seamen than by erecting buildings in their respective localities for their accommodation, when distressed, either from shipwreck, sickness, or other causes. Travellers also to this coast would experience an inexpressible feeling of relief from a knowledge that such an asylum existed for their reception, when assailed or wasted by the diseases of the climate.
It is necessary that vigorous measures be adopted and executed in order to enhance the public revenue. It is true, there is in the paper currency a marked improvement which tends greatly to the advantage of the citizens generally; but it cannot be of material benefit to the government, unless the receipts of the treasury constantly exceed or at least equal the expenditures it may be necessary to make to carry on the government.
While I admit that all unnecessary expenditures should be abolished, I am not inclined to favor the opinion that the expenses generally of the government are a waste, because they make no return in kind for the capital invested. The citizens need protection in the prosecution of their various interests, and this the government should not only have the ability to give, but its ability should be so fully known and seen as to render it unnecessary, except in extraordinary cases, to put it to the test. For this protection the citizens should be willing to pay.
I have for a long time thought that the native tribes residing within the near jurisdiction of the republic could be brought into closer relationship with us, by being required to contribute to the support of the government, and by being allowed such a representation in our national council as will easily commend itself to their comprehension. Such a measure in augurated among these will induce those tribes more remote to seek to sustain similar relations to us. No desire to exterminate these people and aggrandize their territory brought us here. They are our brethren, deluded though they often appear, and our Constitution expressly declares that their improvement is a cherished object of this government. The government, then, being for mutual advantage, is one that calls for mutual support. The aborigines should assist in the great work we have to perform. Like the civilized population, they should give something in return for the protection and redress which our courts always, [Page 322] and our armies often, are required to render them. And I doubt not that many of them are now willing to assist; and when they shall have been convinced that the civilization of which the republic is the nucleus must spread far and wide over this continent, enlightening and refining its inhabitants, and raising them in the scale of being, that it is a work designed by the Almighty himself, and cannot be stayed, I am sure they will become willing coadjutors.
I, therefore, recommend that the discretionary powers given to the Executive, in the 5th section of an act regulating taxes and licenses, passed by the legislature in 1858, to require our aborigines to contribute to the support of the government in such a manner as he shall deem best, be made a positive law, to be enforced in common with other revenue laws. There are in these forests men of royal blood, and of minds susceptible of the most exalted ideas of systematic and well-balanced government; and, by a proper appreciation of them, they could be made to sustain to us a much nearer and dearer relation than that of being mere contributors to our treasury.
In connection with the subject of finance, I have to recall your attention to the bill relative to revenue stamps, which was laid before you near the close of the session of 1864.
I have also to suggest that, for each passport issued by the secretary of state, a fee of two dollars be charged, to go into the treasury; that said passport be issued only on the presentation of the treasurer’s receipt acknowledging the payment of the fee; and that the receipts be passed quarterly from the department of state to the secretary of the treasury.
Our passport law needs other important amendments. At all times and under all circumstances, the present law allows persons of all characters to obtain passports, simply by giving ten days’ notice of their intention to leave the republic, and paying a fee of fifty cents for each passport.
Taking advantage of these easy circumstances under which they can leave the republic, many of a wilfully thriftless class, whether long in the country or recent comers to it, go to foreign countries only to find the obstacles to be surmounted by indolent persons more numerous than they are in Liberia. In a short time they become reduced to extremities in the communities they enter. Did they break off their allegiance to the government of the republic, we should be saved all further concern about them; but, to avoid the dutie3 and responsibilities of citizens of the new state to which they may have gone, they retain their passports and their allegiance, and in this way, to say the least of it, occasion this government considerable anxiety, as it is often called upon to relieve its destitute citizens.
The patent law in force in the republic should be so amended as to require every person filing a caveat in the Patent Office to pay a small fee for the privilege thus secured to them.
I am fully aware that most men in the public service are already required to make some sacrifice; still they should always set examples of patriotism, in order that the citizens generally may be induced to second their efforts the more cheerfully. In this connection I have again to propose to you a recommendation made during the session of 1864, that each member of the legislature receive for his services a salary, not to exceed the amount to which he would be entitled for a session of a moderate length at a reasonable pay per diem.
I have often considered that in the administration of the affairs of a nation, justice requires that burdens imposed should be borne equally by the citizens, or in proportion to each man’s ability. In our system of licenses this principle does not operate; there are only three classes of citizens — merchants, lawyers, and auctioneers — who pay a license fee for being allowed to follow their various vocations. It is not clear to my mind upon what principle certain classes of our citizens are taxed for procuring a livelihood, while others are exempt.
I have on a previous occasion spoken of the propriety of requiring persons following other trades or professions to pay a reasonable license fee, and I would again bring this subject to your notice.
There is pursued in the country an occupation which, to say the least of it, brings no good either to proprietors or customers. I refer to the distilling of ardent spirits. We are, it is true, under a free government, with a liberal constitution; and while total prohibition may appear to some as an invasion of the rights of citizens, yet I cannot see upon what principle of political economy or justice this trade in distilling ardent spirits has not been encumbered with the lightest tax, while wholesome, unobjectionable occupations pay to support a government which knows that its people are demoralized, but shuts its eyes upon the fact.
Each still erected or in operation in the republic should pay a tax proportioned to the capacity in gallons of the said still.
It would be very far from fulfilling our mission to this country that we continue to demoralize the natives by the abundant sale to them of ardent spirits. It seems clear to my mind that, as in the case of individuals, God holds men responsible for thus putting into the hands of their fellows materials capable of so much harm, inciting them to rapine, murder, and wars; so in our case, as a nation, God will not hold us guiltless of this sin which we have been so long committing, to the destruction of our heathen brethren, as well as ourselves; and surely their blood will He require at our hands, and will hold us chargeable for the evils which these tribes commit under the influence of this destructive drink.
The manufacture of ardent spirits and the traffic in them by other civilized countries should not be argued by us in justification of the republic of Liberia engaging in the same thing. The prosperity of those other countries might have been much more abundant and abiding, [Page 323] and there would have been committed in them a less number of murders, had there been in them a total absence of ardent spirits. And may not the secret of the slow progress we are making, compared with the great advantages we have of a fertile soil, a uniformly favorable climate, and the enormous percentage of the yield of our crops, and the evanescent character which the accumulations we make from time to time assume, be attributed to the sin of manufacturing and selling rum? Ardent spirits had much to do with the kidnapping and forcing our forefathers from their ancient homes to a land of slavery. It caused the opening in that land of many premature graves, which closed over the mangled bodies and broken hearts of the victims of American bondage. Its fiery breath, now nearly six years ago, blew up in the American republic a terrible rebellion, and greatly marred the beauty of many portions of that wonderful country, causing the death of millions of its citizens. We may not hope to escape similar misfortunes and evils if we persist in manufacturing and selling ardent spirits.
Besides this, the ease with which these natives procure fire-arms and ammunition increases the hostilities, and protracts those bloody struggles in which they engage, but which it is our duty to check. The government of Liberia is the guardian of the tribes which have placed themselves under our jurisdiction, and we should advise, admonish, and gently coerce them into that subjection to law and order which they sometimes appear reluctant to yield. And when our civilized communities so far forget their duty to these heathen as to place into their hands the instruments of death, encouraging them to lawless and murderous acts, they too should be restrained by law, I have, therefore, to recommend the placing of a high duty on the importation of fire-arms, powder, and ardent spirits. These articles are by no means essential to the traffic of the country.
There is no subject which more affects the interests of this government than that of the tribes by whom we are surrounded. It must be admitted that the relation we sustain to those aborigines is very different from that held by any other civilized people to the natives of a barbarous country which they have entered. We often find the circumstances attendant on this relation exceedingly embarrassing. These people are our brethren, and yet we sometimes find them in antagonism to us. And then, again, in their own case, another and very important difficulty arises from the fact that there are chiefs under our jurisdiction who have laws — which we find it difficult to abrogate at once — conflicting with our statutes; thus keeping their subjects in constant dread ot violating our laws on the one hand, and incurring the penalty of their own code on the other.
I have already referred to the propriety of making these tribes understand the necessity of contributing to the maintenance of this government: and I have now to suggest that there be some restriction placed on the intercourse of the civilized settlers with the natives—defining how far that intercourse shall extend, and when and for what purpose it shall be allowed. Many disturbances, and during the present year several of a serious nature, have arisen, resulting from that unlimited intercourse with the natives which has been continued for years by persons ostensibly engaged in trade, who have gone among these tribes to the demoralizing of themselves and to the great disprofit of the natives.
I am of opinion that persons going among the aborigines to reside should be made to show that they are engaged in some lawful and necessary enterprise, and to give bond and security, to be renewed from time to time, for their conforming to law and conserving the public peace; and whenever it shall appear that such persons are no longer prosecuting lawful business with the natives, they shall be required to withdraw from them; and for being allowed to prosecute trade among the natives they should obtain a license, for which they ought to pay a tax proportionate to the amount of capital invested in such native trade.
I have to inform you that in the month of June last, Prince Boyer, of Trade-town, seized and detained the Hon. J. M. Horace at said place. By this act of Boyer the government was placed in a serious dilemma. To have attempted to force the exasperated chief while Mr. Horace was in his power would have endangered the life of the latter; and the conditions imposed by Prince Boyer on which his prisoner could be released were such as government could not accede to and maintain its dignity and preserve the majesty of our laws.
The government sent a note to Boyer, requiring him to set Mr. Horace at liberty. Mr. Horace has been released. Boyer, however, gives the following grounds of grievance: 1. That an annuity promised him in 1849, and fixed by law, has not been regularly paid him; 2. That after he had become reconciled to the port of entry law, the domestic trade was interdicted to him, simply because it was rumored by his native enemies that he was contemplating a descent upon the settlements in Grand Bassa county; 3. That his confessions of repentance for the wrong he had done by refusing, when commanded to do so, to surrender the goods of foreigners detained by him, were spurned by the legislature; 4. That his officers, while on a peaceful mission to the government, were detained at Grand Bassa, and stripped of their insignia; 5. That a present which he sent to the government as assurance of peace was seized at Bassa; 6. That the passage of the law interdicting the domestic trade seemed to be a last resort to crush him; 7. That Senator Horace, by coming within the territory interdicted, violated the law which he himself assisted to make, and that he (Boyer) under the circumstances could not but act according to the natural impulse of a man. He has written to the government earnestly imploring a removal of the interdict.
On the other hand, it is clear that these tribes within our jurisdiction have no right to [Page 324] indulge in the spirit of reprisals which they manifest either towards ourselves or each other. When they have complaints against the laws or any proceedings of the government, they should set forth their grievances in a proper manner; and no men know better the force and virtue of law than some of the powerful chiefs who preside over these tribes. Neither Prince Boyer nor any other chief has any right to execute our laws, or to set up his authority against the majesty of the republic.
But these chiefs and their subjects have, undoubtedly, certain rights, both natural and political, which should be highly respected by this government and people. And when this is done, and the natives are not provoked by us to the commission of lawless deeds, or instigated by dishonorable foreigners to insubordination, there will subsist between us and them a permanent good understanding and the greatest cordiality of feeling.
Some time in the month of October last, one James Douglass, of Greenville, Sinoe, was wantonly murdered at Settra Kroo, by a native of that place. Immediately after intelligence of the tragical affair reached the government, I sent down to Sinoe a proclamation interdicting all intercourse with Settra Kroo until such time as satisfaction should be given for the murder committed. By the vessel bringing the legislators to this city, I received a communication from the king and headmen of Settra Kroo, assuring the government that the murderer shall be delivered up to justice so soon as he can be placed in the hands of the Nanna Kroo natives.
Presuming upon another illustration of the might of the British naval force on this coast over the just rights of the republic, one J. M. Harris, a subject of her Britannic Majesty’s government, who has for some time kept a trading establishment at Solyma, contrary to the laws of the republic, arrogantly sent, a few weeks ago, his vessel into the little Cape Mount river to prosecute a trade with the aborigines of that place, as if to see how far and with how much impunity he could contravene the laws of the republic. It will be remembered that this vessel is one of the two that were brought into this port from Solyma by the schooner Quail, in 1860, to be tried for trading at that place, contrary to our revenue laws, but was forcibly taken out of our harbor by her Britannic Majesty’s cruiser Torch. The vessel having been seized by order of the government, has been brought to this port, and now lies in the river awaiting the investigation of her case by the proper authorities.
Should the republic be compelled to submit to these indignities and infractions of its laws merely because it is too weak to resist successfully the power that would attempt thus to humiliate it, all its efforts to establish a political character here and to disseminate a Christian civilization among the surrounding tribes will prove unavailing, and it must decline until there will be nothing left of it but a heap of ruins.
In connection with the subject of finance, I have further to inform you that the plan proposed by Messrs. Macfarlan & Co., of London, for transacting financial business for this government, and which was adopted by you at your last session, has not been acted upon by that house, they preferring to operate on a totally different basis, merging their proposal into a plan of a bant, of which the details will be duly laid before you.
The revision and compilation of our statute laws, which are at present in such inconvenient publications, require your authorization. I have to solicit an appropriation for this object.
During the year Liberia College has continued in operation. The preparatory department, under the care of Mr. H. R. W. Johnson, has given the greatest satisfaction in the training of its scholars.
In connection with this I am happy to inform you that we have intelligence from the United States of a growing and active spirit of emigration to Africa among the blacks. In a week or two some 500 or 600 will probably be landed on our shores. The attorney general of this republic, now on his way home, made an interesting tour, during the last summer, over a great portion of the western States, and he assures us that, from what he has witnessed among the blacks with whom he came into contact, a steady stream of emigration has just begun. We are doubtless all glad to receive such intelligence; but the question that occurs to every thoughtful mind is, Can Liberia, with her feeble institutions, take up and absorb safely this influx of our down-trodden brethren, unaccustomed as they are to the duties and responsibilities of building up new states? I answer, without hesitation, that we can. But it becomes us, as legislators and executors of law, to make provisions to guard and perpetuate more effectually the liberties of our country; and among the provisions necessary, a most important and, indeed, indispensable one, is the establishment of an efficient common school system. We have in our statute books many statutes referring to common schools, but they need revision and consolidation. Depend upon it, unless this matter is attended to, our free institutions will be in danger, and probably, at no distant day, wholly subverted. Let knowledge be generally diffused, and we need not fear the debates and discussions which periodically take place among us as to our political affairs.
But the diffusion of education among us will, for some time, be dependent chiefly upon legislative action in the establishment and maintenance, throughout the country, of common schools. The government must here, as in other countries, take this subject into its own hands—a subject which, to my mind, involves the whole matter of what is generally termed popular education, comprising not only schools established by the government, but also mission schools in our townships or within our jurisdiction.
[Page 325]By having the education of the people under some system, I mean something like the following, so as always to keep the subject of education prominently before the people:
1. Let the different counties be divided into school districts, and let the people in those districts be taxed to provide school-houses and help support the schools, the government furnishing a certain amount,
2. Let a secretary of education be appointed to regulate the educational interests of the country, in connection, if thought advisable, with a committee of council. All appointments of instructors to common schools to be made by the secretary, with the advice of the council, and no teachers to be appointed without a certificate of capability from recognized examiners, i. e., any of the professors in Liberia College, or any other well-known instructor.
3. School teachers to be examined twice a year by the secretary of education, or his deputy.
4. Provisions to be made for schools for girls, in which, besides mere book learning, they may be taught domestic economy and general habits of industry. This is a sore and pressing need of Liberia.
5. Children of the aborigines in our settlements and their neighborhood to have the same common rights to education as emigrants, and the government to have the right to establish schools in purely heathen districts.
Our brethren who flee from the United States to this country for freedom find on arriving here a large and superabundant freedom; but they lose the numerous advantages of enlarged education afforded them in their native country—advantages which, since the war, have been increasing in various parts of the states. It is therefore meet and proper that in a system of common schools such as I have just referred to, efficiently established, they should find some compensation for the sacrifices they have voluntarily made.
Before closing this statement, I would request for Jonas Carey a stated pension during his lifetime. He is one of the only three male pioneers of Liberia surviving, and connecting the present with the past. He took part in the memorable battle of December 1, 1822, on the issue of which depended the question whether a Christian civilization should be established on this coast by black colonists from America or not. He is now aged and feeble, and deserves whatever aid or patronage the government can render him.
And now, in conclusion, I beg to assure you of the cordiality and cheerfulness with which I will co-operate with you in any measure for the promotion of the public weal. In all your deliberations, fail not to keep steadily before your mind the great object we should all have in view, viz: the vindication, upbuilding, and honor of the negro race, and the opening up of this great continent to civilization and the arts. Keeping this elevated and glorious aim always before you, your labors will be considerably lightened, and harmony, peace, and fraternal feelings will mark your whole intercourse during the session.