Historical Documents - Office of the Historian

[Inclosure in No. 2451.]

Report of Commander Newell.

Foochow, China, November —, 1895.

Sir: I have the honor to submit the following report regarding the attack made upon missionaries residing near the village of Huashan, China, August 1, 1895.

2. Missionaries residing and working in the district of Kutien belong to the Anglican Church Missionary Society and the Methodist Episcopal Church of the United States. It was the custom of the Anglican Church Missionary Society missionaries to pass the months of July and August near Huashan, where the society had erected two foreign cottages (called chapels by the Chinese) for their use.

3. Huashan village, at an elevation of more than 2,000 feet above the sea level, lies some 10 miles in a southwesterly direction from Kutien, a district city of the province of Fukien, the provincial city being Foochow, on the Min River, 30 miles from the sea, the residence of the prefect of this prefecture, as well as that of the viceroy of the province.

4. Kutien city is situated 100 miles to the north and west of Foochow, the route usually followed between the two places being by the River Min for 73 miles-to the village of Sui-kow, and thence overland for 33 miles, following for the greater portion of the distance the Kutien Creek, a branch of the River Min, which, owing to its many rapids, is not navigable. Kutien City has an elevation of 1,000 feet above the level of the sea. Sui-kow is connected by telegraph with Foochow and Peking.

5. The colony of missionaries at Huashan on the day of the massacre included Rev. Robert Warren Stewart, C. M. S.,1 his wife, Louisa K. Stewart, C. M. S., and their children, Mildred, aged 12 years, Kathleen, aged 11 years, Herbert, aged 6 years, Evan, aged 3 years, Hilda Sylvia, aged 13 months, with the nurse, Helena Yellop; Miss Hessie Newcombe, C. E. Z. M. S.,2 Miss Elsie Marshall, C. E. Z. M. S., Miss Flora Lucy Stewart, C. E. Z. M. S., Miss Flora Codrington, C. E. Z. M. S., natives of Great Britain; Miss Mary Ann Christina Gordon, C. E. Z. M. S., Miss Harriette Elinor (Nellie) Saunders, C. M. S., Miss Elizabeth Maud (Topsy) Saunders, C. M. S., natives of Australia; Rev. H. S. Phillips, C. M. S., of England, and Miss Mabel C. Hartford, of Dover, N. H., a member of the American Methodist Episcopal Church.

6. The members of this colony, with the exception of Miss Hartford and Mr. Phillips, occupied the two foreign houses. Miss Hartford lived in a native house, leased for a number of years, situated about 150 yards to the north and west, being to the rear and considerably below the level of the foreign houses; whereas Mr. Phillips, having arrived but a few days before, was domiciled in a native house still farther removed, but in the same general direction as the one occupied by Miss Hartford from the houses erected by the C. M. S.

7. The two foreign houses, built with mud walls and tiled roofs, were one-story buildings, facing the south, with outhouses for the Chinese teachers and servants at the rear, but connected These houses were on different levels, and the front of the lower house was 15 feet to the rear of the front of the upper one, the side walls being about 8 feet apart and the difference of level of the two houses about the same. Mr. Stewart and family, with the Misses Saunders, occupied the Upper house, while the ladies of the C. E. Z. M. S. lived in the lower one.

8. The usual highway to the village of Huashan passes 200 to 300 yards to the eastward of the houses and at a much higher level. Between this highway and the houses, as well as around them, except in the small ravine separating them from Miss Hartford’s house, are groves of young bamboo trees interspersed with pine and other trees of a larger growth.

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9. Between 6 and 7 in the morning of Thursday, August 1, 1895, before many of the adult members of this small colony had risen for the day, a party of Chinese, members of a sect or secret society known as “Vegetarians,” armed with guns, spears, swords, tridents, knives, or heavy, sharp-pointed bamboo sticks, descended upon the two houses and attacked the occupants, stabbing, cutting, and beating the latter.

10. The attack ended by the looting and burning of both houses, also in the robbery of the dead and living. During the melee at least one member of the attacking party rushed to the house where Miss Hartford was living and made a most determined attack with murderous intent upon this lady, and to the prompt intervention of the wife of her native teacher, and also of her native servant, Miss Hartford undoubtedly owes her escape from death.

11. This fiendish attack resulted in the killing of Mr. Stewart, Mrs. Stewart, the nurse Lena, the Misses Newcombe, Marshall, Stewart, Gordon, and the Misses Nellie and Topsy Saunders, nine adults; and the wounding of the Misses Codrington and Hartford and all the Stewart children, two adults and five children. Herbert Stewart died the second day after the attack and the baby one week after reaching Foochow, swelling the number of deaths to eleven. Mildred Stewart will be lame and probably disfigured for life. The bodies of Mr. and Mrs. Stewart and those of Miss Nellie Saunders and the nurse Lena were consumed in the burning house. Miss Newcombe’s body was found down an embankment to the south and east of the lower house; the remaining bodies were grouped to the rear of the upper house.

12. Mr. Phillips, whose escape from attack can only be attributed to his late arrival and the ignorance of the Vegetarians as to his presence, attracted by the noise and uproar ran toward the scene from the native house in which he was dwelling, meeting the native servants of Mr. Stewart, who advised and tried to prevent his going, saying that the Vegetarians had come. He pushed on until within sight of the houses, when, seeing a great number of natives surrounding the houses carrying bundles, but no foreigners, he concluded that the inmates had made their escape. Mr. Phillips then continued on, passing around the hill at a much lower level than the houses, and reaching the side opposite to that of his approach he took refuge in the bamboo grove behind two trees, where he was an eye witness of the conflagration. Soon after this a horn was sounded and the Vegetarians took their departure. Shortly afterwards, seeing no one about, Mr. Phillips left his hiding place and approached the houses. Meeting a servant who informed him that the survivors had taken shelter in Miss Hartford’s house, he at once went there and rendered such service as he could to the sufferers, and to his presence and efforts Miss Codrington unquestionably owes her life. Mr. Phillips as soon as possible sent messengers to Dr. Gregory, the only foreigner nearer than Foochow, and to Foochow with the news of the massacre.

13. Dr. J. J. Gregory, M. D., in charge of the hospital at Kutien, built and controlled by the American Methodist Episcopal Church, was first informed of the outrage shortly after noon of the fatal day by a native, followed a few minutes later by the messenger from Mr. Phillips, who brought a hastily written and brief note confirming the sad news. Dr. Gregory immediately went to the yamên of the district magistrate, and by his persistent and urgent demands succeeded in having an official (the magistrate), with a guard of soldiers, sent to the scene; then, obtaining chair carriers and a small guard for himself, he started for Huashan, and reached the wounded at 8 that evening. First giving the sufferers the attention needed, he then with great difficulty obtained the necessary manual assistance from the villagers and soldiers to prepare the remains for transportation, placing the bodies in coffins and the incinerated remains in boxes, and to carry the same to Sui-kow.

14. At 3 p.m. on the 2d of August the remains were sent to Sui-kow, followed soon after by the wounded, attended by Dr. Gregory and Mr. Phillips. Herbert Stewart died from his injuries soon after the journey began. Arriving at Sui-kow at 8:30 a.m. on the following morning, the wounded were placed in boats that had been pressed into service by order of the magistrate, and not waiting for the bodies, the wounded left Sui-kow that afternoon on their trip down the river Min. On the next morning a steam launch towing a houseboat taking the prefect, Ch’in Ping-chi, to Sui-kow, was met. Dr. Gregory requested that the launch be detailed to tow the boats with the wounded on board, in order to hasten the arrival at Foochow, the heat being intense and the wounded in need of immediate relief. The prefect replied that he would, upon his arrival at Sui-kow, immediately send the launch back. As this meant a prolonged trip, and the boats could easily float down the stream to their destination in less time than it would take the launch to go to Sui-kow and return, Dr. Gregory peremptorily demanded the use of the launch at once (before this, at the invitation of the doctor, the prefect had taken a look at the wounded, and should have recognized the gravity of the case). The prefect reluctantly yielded. By the aid of the launch Foochow was reached at 1.30 p.m. the 4th of August. Before reaching Foochow a steam launch sent by United states Consul Hixson, having on board United States Marshal Hixson, Archdeacon [Page 176] Wolfe, Church Missionary Society, and Rev. W. Banister, Church Missionary Society, was met bringing supplies and assistance to the party; shortly afterwards the house boat of Mr. A. W. V. Gibb, in which this gentleman had promptly come to meet the party with more supplies, was met. At Foochow the party was met by the United States and British consuls and a large party of sympathetic friends, the wounded being immediately transferred to the hospitals. The baby died within a week. The eleven graves in the quiet burying ground at Foochow will tell for years to come their mute story of the terrible tragedy.

15. The statements of the survivors, Misses Hartford and Codrington, Kathleen Stewart, and Rev. Mr. Phillips, as well as that of Dr. J. J. Gregory, are appended to this report and marked A, B, C, D, and E.

16. The village of Huashan is small—300 inhabitants—and lies on the opposite side of a deep ravine from the foreign houses, the communication between the two being by the main highway that winds around the sides of the ravine. A few straggling houses on the same side of the ravine as the foreign ones stretch along the highway. This village has never been a fruitful field for mission work; a Catechist was maintained there for several years by the Church Missionary Society, but two natives were baptized, these having renounced the Christian religion. The Catechist was sent elsewhere and the field abandoned. This location of the foreign houses as a sanitarium can hardly be said to have been among friends or sympathizers.

17. Having been notified on the 12th of August, the day the Detroit arrived at Pagoda anchorage, Min River, by United States Consul J. Courtney Hixson of his intention, under the orders of the United States minister, to proceed the next day to Kutien to begin an investigation into the massacre, I offered, if there were no objection, to send an officer to accompany him; as there was none, but on the contrary being assured that such action would be most agreeable, I directed Ensign Waldo Evans, United States Navy, to accompany the consul unofficially, in order that I might be informed as to the condition and progress of affairs. The United States and British consuls left Foochow on the afternoon of the 13th of August, and reached Kutien the evening of the 16th, having been met some distance outside of the city by a party of native Christians who came to welcome them. Having received after the departure of the consuls telegraphic instructions notifying me of my appointment as a member of the American committee, I was able to join (the viceroy delaying me by his objections) the United States consul at Kutien in the evening of the 27th. The consuls had been instructed to cooperate in the investigation.

18. I found both consular parties domiciled in the houses of the American Methodist Episcopal mission, the only foreign houses within the city walls, those of the C. M. S. being without the city and on the opposite side of Kutien Creek. The parties were composed as follows: American, Consul J. C. Hixson, Commander J. S. Newell, Dr. J. J. Gregory, M. D., Ensign Waldo Evans, Dr. E. G. Hart, M. D.; British, Consul R. W. Mansfield, Vice-Consul E. L. B. Allen, Rev. W. Banister, C. M. S., and Rev. L. H. Star, C. M. S.

19. Dr. Hart, of the Methodist Episcopal mission, the intended relief of Dr. Gregory, at my request accompanied me from Foochow. Dr. Hart and Mr. Star returned to Foochow September 11, the former returning to Kutien September 27, and again leaving October 5. Vice-Consul Allen returned to Foochow October 5, his place being taken by Mr. G. D. Pitzipios, an assistant in the British consular service at Foochow, who arrived the next day. Ensign Evans resumed his duties on the Detroit October 6. Consul Mansfield and Mr. Banister went to Foochow October 11, returning the 18th. While there the consul had an interview with the viceroy, when the final punishments of the participants in the Huashan affair were agreed upon, the United States committee being no party to the agreement.

20. On October 26 both parties withdrew from Kutien, reaching Foochow the next day, having passed sixty-one days in Kutien, twenty-eight of which were spent in the trial of prisoners.

21. The day after the arrival of the consuls the prefect, Ch’in Ping-chi, called, followed the next day (the 18th) by the district magistrate, I Chien. These calls were returned the 19th. From these officials it was learned that 16 arrests had already been made; that warrants had been issued for all that went to Huashan that fatal morning; that soldiers had been stationed throughout the province to aid in making arrests; that word had been sent to adjoining provinces to apprehend all escaping fugitives, and that large rewards had been offered for the arrest of the leaders in the Huashan affair.

22. Objections were raised by the prefect to the consuls attending the trials, their request to be present being refused on the ground that the viceroy’s instructions did not permit, but upon the consuls’ emphatic declaration that they had a right to be present, the prefect communicated with the viceroy and the trials before the consular parties began on August 21.

23. The consuls claimed the right to be present at all trials of arrested suspects, [Page 177] which was agreed to by the prefect. The plan followed was that the accused, when first arrested, should at once be examined by the magistrate or deputy to avoid collusion with other prisoners, then to be examined in open court before an investigating committee.

24. To a clear understanding of the origin of the movement that culminated in the horrible affair of August 1, 1895, it is necessary to look into the life of the Vegetarians in the district, and to examine into the incidents and events that transpired a few months prior to the massacre within the district of Kutien, as well as to inquire into the conduct of the officials charged with the maintenance of peace and the execution of the laws in this prefecture; to this end a brief synopsis of events will be of interest.

25. The tenets of the “Vegetariau Society” or the “T’sai Hui” prohibit the killing and eating of all flesh meats, the use of opium, wine, and tobacco. This organization has its passwords and ritual; the records and minutes of all meetings are burned at the closing of each sitting. For many years the headquarters of the society were in the Chianghsi Province, from whence the order was extended to other districts.

26. In 1892 a propagandist, Liu Hsiang-hsing by name, established the society in the districts of Kutien and Pingnan. As a result of his teaching and the earnest work of his followers in the two districts, the Vegetarians numbered at the beginning of this year, at the least estimate, 3,000. The society, however, did not attract attention till the latter part of 1894, when by the lawless acts of its members it gained much notoriety, and its members increased rapidly in number. By lawless acts the society terrorized the people, attracting many of the evil disposed to their ranks.

27. The great attraction at first was evidently the reputed cure of the opium habit, not so much for delivery from the baneful effects of the drug as for release from the expense which the use of the drug entailed upon its consumers. This reputed cure alone attracted a worthless and shiftless class of people. In spreading the order, many irresponsible and dangerous persons were led to follow itinerant pursuits, and thus gain acquaintance with the worst elements of society throughout the districts, which elements sooner or later became members. Each new member is introduced by a petty leader, known as a Yin ching, and at once becomes his blind follower—“if we live, we live together; if we die, we die together; being inculcated. New members go on probation for a certain period, to be admitted to full membership at the general meeting held at the option of the leaders. A part of the initiation at these meetings (known as Yang kwang) was that the candidate remained in bed in a dark room for a week and only saw his yin ching who attended to his wants. Many continued probationary members because of their failure to abstain from the use of opium or meat.

28. Emboldened by the successful spreading of their doctrines and elated by the accession of many members, the society became one for mutual aid and support. Its members, bound by stringent oaths, under fear of personal torture, violence, and death, were forced to obey all calls of their leaders. They undertook to settle all disputes between a Vegetarian and outsiders without appealing to the law, by force often, with the result that robbery, arson, and even murder were the methods employed.

29. As instances of the mutual benefits of the society, there may be mentioned that in August, 1894, a Vegetarian had a disagreement with a native convert of the Anglican communion residing at Hia Tien p’ing, a small village 11 miles to the east of Kutien city; the former, calling to his aid some fellow-members of the society, looted the Christian’s shop and threatened to burn it. The native convert sought redress by bringing suit before the district magistrate, Wang Yu-yang, who failed, to give the case a hearing. Owing to the steps taken by the native Christian, the ill feeling became stronger and culminated early one morning in the ensuing October in the gathering of Vegetarians from the neighboring villages to the number of about one hundred in the rice fields of the Christian, when at a signal, the firing of a gun, the Vegetarians cut and removed the entire crop of ripe rice. This act not only inflicted personal damage to the owner, but deprived the Government of its lawful tax upon the same. Suit was again brought and one Vegetarian was arrested.

30. In December, 1894, while members of the society were holding a meeting in Kutien City the district magistrate, Wang Yu-yang, acting upon the advice of his confidential secretary, Chiang, the chief runner of the yamên, caused the arrest of tour Vegetarians for using seditious language; each of these arrests was whipped and imprisoned in the magistrate’s yamên. A few days later the Vegetarians assembled, to the number of about 100, and entering the yamên showed their contempt for that official as well as for the law by demanding the release of their fellow members. Afraid to resist or ignore the demand, the magistrate entertained the request, and through the medium of Ho Ts’ung-lung, a military officer, Li Ch’i tseng, city magistrate, and Lang Chih-jin, a graduate, who acted as go-betweens or interceders, Liu Hsiang-hsing, Yeh Shu-ming, Yu Hsun-yang, and Cheng Sui were released and [Page 178] sent out of the Yamên in chairs trimmed in red. The secretary, Chiang, for his vigilance was whipped and dismissed from the service of the yamên. Thus humiliated, the magistrate showed his weakness; and the residents having lost confidence in the magistrate feared to bring their grievances before him for settlement. Many Vegetarians arrogated to themselves the rights of graduates, wearing insignia. They became loud in their demands, and when not acceded to they compelled compliance with force. This state of affairs induced many people of good intentions and well-to-do to join the society for protection. The British consul informed the Foochow authorities of what had occurred, and it is believed that they called for a report and, undoubtedly to conceal his humiliation, weakness, and disgrace, as well as the growing strength of this society, the magistrate made such a report as pacified the authorities.

31. At this time the walls and gates of the city being in a dilapidated condition, the magistrate levied a tax to repair the same, and work was begun at once. Anticipating the completion of the repairs, the magistrate sent the draft of a proclamation to the engraver, giving the information that he, the magistrate, was ready to consider the charges then pending at the yamên against Vegetarians, and calling upon all interested to appear. It was the magistrate’s intention not to issue the proclamation until the repairs to the wall and gates of the city had been completed. The contents of this proclamation becoming known to the Vegetarians before the engraver had finished his task, anonymous small red placards, “Officials oppress, people rebel,” were posted in several parts of the city. These placards, directed against the magistrate, accused him of persecution, and announced the intention of making war against him, thus openly defying the law and endeavoring by seditious words and threats to intimidate the man. These placards, although unsigned, were attributed to the Vegetarians. This suspicion was confirmed by the testimony brought out before the court.

32. In March, 1895, it was reported that the Vegetarians were assembling in the seventeenth township, 10 miles from Kutien, and it was rumored that their intention was to attack the city, killing the district magistrate and several of the head literary men. These rumors caused great alarm. About this time Liu Hsiang-hsing, the propagandist, gave his relative, the city magistrate, Li Ch’i-tseng, information of the intentions of the Vegetarians. This magistrate immediately bundled up his goods, and sending for burden bearers directed that the goods be delivered at Sui-kow before evening. A disturbance arising, the bearers declined, and the goods were not taken, but the eight loads were moved into the Fan Ch’un drug store, and the magistrate’s family took up their abode in another quarter of the city, at the house of Ch’ing Siu, the head man of the chair coolies. This act was most suspicious, and the district magistrate, knowing about the placards, hearing the rumors, and learning of the action of the city magistrate, closed at once the city gates, barricading them, and ordered the city wall to be constantly patrolled by several hundreds of men levied from the Lien-chia or home guards. All foreigners living outside the city walls were called in by the authorities and took up their residence within the city wall. Heavy wooden bar gates were soon after erected throughout the city abreast the fire walls, and the practice since has been to close these gates at night.

33. Alarmed by this condition of affairs, the district magistrate, Wang Yu-Yang, sent a dispatch to the viceroy, T’an Chuug-lin, at Foochow, asking for soldiers. Hearing of this, Tseng Kuang-kuei, a rich citizen living in the First ward, sent word to his brother, Tseng Kuang-tou, a third degree man in office at Foochow, to use his best efforts to prevent the sending of troops, as they were not needed. Li Ch’i-tseng, city magistrate, also endeavored to prevent, and advised against the sending of soldiers. Considering the disorganized condition of the city, these acts are most reprehensible.

34. A messenger (one of his soldiers) was sent by the military officer Lin I-hsiung to the place of assembly of the Vegetarians to invite Liu Hsiang-hsing, Tai Jih-chin, and Tang Ch’un, leaders, to come into the city and confer with the district magistrate, Wang Yu-yang. Arriving at the yamên, these leaders disclaimed any intention on the part of the Vegetarians to attack the city. The magistrate then required security for the maintenance of peace and good faith on the part of the Vegetarians, informing them that without security he (the magistrate) dare not open the gates. (The stock of rice in the city was rapidly diminishing, and some of the inhabitants demanded that the gates be opened to admit rice.) Difficulty was experienced in obtaining security. Finally, however, Lin Te-kang and Cheng Lan, yamên runners, became sureties for the Vegetarians; the gates were then opened, March 29, 1895, and the patrol of the wall ceased.

35. Receiving a report from the late Mr. Stewart concerning this state of affairs, the British consul, about April 1, called the attention of the Chinese authorities at Foochow to the perturbed condition at Kutien, and on the 1st of April the British consul addressed a letter to the viceroy, T’an Chung-ling, strongly urging the sending [Page 179] of soldiers to Kutien to secure peace, and for the protection of foreigners. To this letter the viceroy replied two weeks later saying that he had sent an official to Kutien to inquire into the condition of affairs there; that this official had returned reporting that all was quiet, and that there were no grounds for the disquieting rumors. The official, Li Sen-sang, sent to inquire into the situation, arrived in Kutien early in April, and after a stay of only one day returned to Foochow and reported that the condition of affairs did not call for the sending of soldiers. Evidently a gross misrepresentation, and concealment of facts, or else the criminal inefficiency of Chinese officials, the district magistrate, the official inquirer, or the viceroy must assume the responsibility, or share it.

36. In March, 1895, on account of reports from various parts of the province and the rumors flying about concerning the menacing attitude of the natives, the United States consul had several interviews with the president of the foreign board at Foochow, Taotai Ch’en, in regard to the unsettled condition of the province, and urged that immediate steps be taken to inquire into the condition, and to suppress the existing lawlessness. On April 1 the consul received a letter from Dr. Gregory detailing the events then transpiring in and about Kutien, referred to in paragraphs 32, 33, and 34, and immediately called upon the foreign board and preferred the request that soldiers be sent at once to Kutien. To this the president agreed and said that they should be sent. Consul Hixson, suspicious that the soldiers might not be sent or that their departure would be delayed, asked that he might be informed of their departure. A few days later Taotai Ch’en sent a deputy to inform the United States consul that agreeably to his request 400 soldiers had been sent. Influenced by the condition of the province, Consul Hixson called all American citizens to come within the limits of the treaty port of Foochow. This call was obeyed by all residing in Kutien or the vicinity except Dr. Gregory, who came as far as Suikow, and hearing that affairs had quieted down after the opening of the city gates, returned to Kutien. Miss Hartford, who had frequently claimed that it was perfectly safe, soon afterwards returned to her post. Considering all this the question would naturally be asked, Why did the missionaries not realize the gravity of their situation? It can only be answered that for many years the province of Fuhkien has been considered as most peaceful, and a fruitful field for sowing Christianity. Lulled into security by the records of the past, they were too confident as to the future, and therefore did not give to current events that importance which after events would have justified.

37. It would seem that the viceroy, T’an Chung-ling, must have been aware of the condition of affairs and the inefficiency of the district magistrate, Wang Yu-yang, for the latter was removed, and Wang Ju-lin succeeded him in May, 1895. The call for soldiers was not answered by the sending of troops. It is relevant to mention here that about the 1st of May Viceroy T’an Chung-ling was transferred to Canton and Pien Pao-ch’uan became viceroy of this province.

38. Shortly after his arrival the new district magistrate, Wang Ju-lin, began his rounds collecting taxes. In the latter part of June, while in the village of Hsi-yang, 30 miles from Kutien, receiving word that a murder had been committed in the village of Cho-yang, some 6 miles away, he sent runners to investigate the crime. After arriving the runners found that a misunderstanding regarding money matters had arisen between two natives, both heathen, but one a Vegetarian; the latter, assisted by some sixty or seventy members of his society, armed with spears and swords, had attacked the barricaded house of his enemy, forcing their way in, wounding several men, and killing one man, after which they withdrew, looting such articles as were in reach. The runners were prevented by the Vegetarians from making any arrests. Upon hearing this the magistrate, Wang Ju-lin, immediately reported the case to the viceroy, asking for troops. After the murder at Cho-yang a number of robberies by the Vegetarians elsewhere in the district of Kutien were reported.

39. The viceroy, Pien Pao-ch’uan, in answer to the report of the district magistrate, Wang Ju-lin, sent Ho Ting, a former magistrate of this district, to investigate the report. Ho Ting, after inquiring into the murder, finding that one hundred or more cases against Vegetarians were then awaiting examination in the yamên, requested that 1,000 soldiers be sent to Kutien. In reply to this request Col. T’an Yu-te, with 210 soldiers, arrived in Kutien July 23. After the arrival of the soldiers the deputy, Ho Ting, issued a proclamation, calling upon all persons interested in cases pending before the yamên to appear. The arrival of the soldiers, together with the proclamation of Ho Ting, gave the Vegetarians the idea that they would be attacked. The Vegetarians attributed to Mr. Stewart and other foreigners the responsibility for the coming of the troops, and asserted that the missionaries had furnished the funds necessary.

40. The soldiers after their arrival made some pretense at drilling and firing; no effort, however, was made to arrest anyone, and they remained within the city limits, although it was well known that no Vegetarian had answered the deputy’s summons, and furthermore that the members of this society were assembling at Kung shan [Page 180] ch’i, a mountain 15 miles north and east from Kutien, on which were a number of cattle sheds; this position the Vegetarians proceeded to fortify. In assembling the Vegetarians were seen, by day and by night, passing in armed squads through the district toward their mountain fastness; this movement so alarmed the inhabitants of the villages near this rendezvous that they kept watch night and day, and many families on hearing rumors of attack moved away. The residents of An chang village, becoming alarmed, prepared to make a defense; a member of the Lien-chia from this village with a native Christian preacher on July 30 visited the magistrate’s yamên in Kutien and informed this official that it was reported that the Vegetarians assembled at Kung shan ch’i intended making a descent upon their village to destroy the chapel and plunder the inhabitants, expecting to obtain money, as a rich man lived there; they begged that soldiers might be sent for their protection to arrest the Vegetarians assembled at the fastness. The magistrate, Wang Ju-lin, much alarmed, went to Deputy Ho Ting and reported the situation; the city magistrate, Li Ch’i-tseng, being present, made light of the matter and persuaded the deputy that there could be no truth in the report. No soldiers were sent, but a few policemen were sent by the magistrate, and they passed the night in the chapel. An chang village is situated between Kung shan ch’i and Huashan, on the road followed by the Vegetarians on their march to Huashan. Had the appeals from this village received proper attention the massacre might have been prevented, for armed Vegetarians to the number of 298, by actual count, passed that night (July 31) on their way to Huashan.

41. Owing to the frequency of disquieting rumors regarding the threatening attitude of the natives toward foreigners in the interior of the province, and also the dilatoriness displayed by the authorities in the settlement of the numerous cases referred to them by the consul, Mr. Hixson, on July 27 last, addressed a letter to the Viceroy Pien Pao-ch’uan urging the prompt taking of strong measures to correct the growing menacing attitude toward foreigners.

42. Early on the morning of August 1 the massacre took place, and on the 3d this body of rebels dispersed.

43. Before proceeding to the trials of those implicated, this act of Li Ch’i-tseng, city magistrate, should be recorded: When Dr. Gregory appeared at the yamên on the day of the massacre to report the horrible deed and to get assistance, the city magistrate, Li Ch’ i-tseng, was present and immediately began to contradict the report, assuring the deputy that it could not be true.

44. Soon after the massacre District Magistrate Wang Ju-lin was removed and Chien, appointed in his place, arrived in Kutien August 5; Che’n Ping-chi, the prefect, reached Kutien on the 7th of August.

45. 207 arrests have been made and 88 cases tried before the committee. Most of the arrests have been made by the “Lien-chia” or home guards established in each village, and delivered at the yamên of the district magistrate, Kutien. Soldiers were sent out and distributed over the province to prevent the escape of suspects and to assist in arrests. Rewards have in many cases led fellow-villagers or acquaintances to track a suspect; and they have led in some cases to altercations between the soldiers and the captors, the idea being that the one who delivers the prisoner to the magistrate is entitled to the reward; in one altercation the shoulder of one of tire Lien-chia was cut by a native sword. The lawless acts of the Vegetarians, together with the rewards offered, can be assigned as reasons for the activity in making arrests. In some cases a father or a brother was arrested with a view of having a guilty son or brother surrender himself. Owing to the strong sense of filial duty in the Chinese, which impels or prompts great personal sacrifices for family, even to the selling of one’s life as a substitute for execution, this plan was very effective.

46. Ten suicides to prevent arrest (two by hanging and the rest by starvation in the mountains) have been reported; and after arrest, before trial, several attempts at self-destruction have been made; one by cutting the throat failed, the cut healed and the culprit, one of the actual murderers, was brought to trial and executed; another by an overdose of opium robbed the law of a victim whose destiny would undoubtedly have been decapitation.

47. The Chinese are entitled to credit for the commendable speed with which arrests were made at first—193 arrests were made prior to September 21; of these, 43 went to Huashan. Since September 21, few if any arrests have been made although the evidence before the magistrate’s court implicates over 100; attention has frequently been called to this, still few arrests have been made. Information from other sources swells this number.

information sources.

48. For thirty years or more the missionaries have labored in this district, and the followers of the two missions aggregate between 3,000 and 4,000. These native Christians have at all times been most alert in furnishing names and information [Page 181] concerning those engaged in the massacres, enabling the committee to begin its labors intelligently and to keep the officials ever mindful that it was possessed of information for which it was not indebted to them. The ignorance of the extent of the information in the hands of the committee acted at first as a powerful incentive to press the work of apprehension and trials; which with good cause might, had it been otherwise, have dragged on; particularly so had the committee been dependent solely upon the testimony elicited at the trial.

49. Native Christians have come freely before the committee, giving information as to matters under investigation and have induced heathen natives to do the same. These witnesses from wise and prudential motives can not appear at the magistrate’s court. The committee is at liberty to make use freely of such information, but not to incriminate the witnesses by giving their names.

50. From these sources the committee has always been informed of any movement or action on the part of the authorities tending to delay the work of the investigation, to cripple or render nil the good effect produced by it presence.

51. Furnished at the beginning with a long list of names of those who belonged to the Vegetarian Society, that assembled at Kung shan; of those that went to Huashan, that took active part in the bloody affair; and, finally, of those who were or had been in possession of loot—the committee has been most materially assisted in its work and enabled to commence the investigation with a fair knowledge of the case.

obstacles.

52. At the beginning the prefect, Che’n Ping-chi, official in charge, refused to allow the consuls to be present at the trial, and, furthermore, denied their right to be.

53. During the trial in the latter part of August the magistrate I Chien issued a proclamation, accompanied by instructions to the head of the Lien-chia, in which Vegetarians and Christians were specifically mentioned—the former, if disposed to do well in the future, would be allowed to enter the “Lien-chia,” the latter could also be enrolled, but the dates of birth and of becoming Christians must be registered. This had a baneful effect, at once rehabilitating the Vegetarians and checking the arrests, dampening the ardor of the “Lien-chia” and arousing suspicion in the minds of the Christians, marking them as a special class, for frequently even in the vicinity of the magistrate’s yamên threats had been made that when the Huashan case should have been concluded and the committee have taken its departure the Christians’ turn would come. Objections were at once made to this proclamation and accompanying instructions; their recall was demanded and the issuing of a new proclamation with instructions insisted upon in which no allusion whatever should be made to Christians, while forbidding the enrollment of Vegetarians until they had, after a probationary period of one year, given evidence of their intention to be law-abiding, and then only after consulting the consuls. The prefect, Che’n, on September 5, having agreed to this, submitted a draft for approval coinciding with the views expressed by the committee; the draft was approved and returned to the prefect, who assured the committee that the objectionable one would be immediately recalled and replaced by the one approved.

54. On September 12, the obnoxious proclamation not having been recalled or the approved one issued, the committee invited the attention of Taotai Hsü, who had arrived but two days before, to this neglect on the part of the prefect. The taotai, being apparently in accord with the committee, consented to recall the obnoxious proclamation and instructions, and to replace them with those of his own. A few days afterwards he submitted a draft for approval, and after consultation with and the concurrence of the committee, he issued the new proclamation, furnishing the consuls with official copies. Greatly to our surprise on the 24th of September the committee received information that the magistrate had again issued a proclamation on the lines of the first one, ignoring that of the taotai, from which nothing had been heard besides failing to recall the original. Upon calling the attention of the taotai to this act on the part of the magistrate, he (the magistrate) hurriedly sent, that same night about-midnight, and recalled the second proclamation and instructions, then denied ever having issued them. The taotai, in reply to the communication addressed to him upon the subject, said the magistrate denied having issued any such proclamation, but had punished his writer or secretary for the same, accusing him of stealing his magisterial seal and placing it upon a proclamation of his own fabrication, without the consent or knowledge of the magistrate. It was two weeks after this occurrence, and only after repeated and persistent demands were made upon the taotai, that the obnoxious proclamation and instructions first issued were recalled, and not until the last one was brought in was any new one issued; thus fully six weeks the obnoxious proclamation and instructions remained in force at a critical period of the trial, producing a bad effect from which the investigation suffered to the end—arrests were virtually stopped.

55. During the trial very early in September some 48 suspects were released from arrest; some of these released suspects went home, breathing threatenings by the [Page 182] roadside, publishing to those they met that the Christians had had their turn, but, after the close of the trials and the departure of the committee the Vegetarians would have their inning, and the Christians would then be dealt with for all that had been done against the Vegetarians. These threats having been brought to the attention of the committee, upon inquiry the release of the suspects was revealed. The officials, when confronted and their reason demanded for turning out these suspects contrary to previous agreement (see par. 23) without consulting the committee, replied that there being no evidence against them, and the prison being crowded, they were allowed to go upon security. It was found that some of those who had been released were guilty of complicity in the Huashan, attack, having had loot in their possession. The return to jail of those released was demanded, and the officials were informed that no more releases would be permitted except after examination in open court. The officials wrangled and argued, but finally consented to the rearrest of the released parties. The return of these suspects was exceedingly slow, only nine of the number having been returned to jail within a week of the demand, and to the time of withdrawal from Kutien the majority were still free.

56. Although repeatedly asked for, a list of persons arrested and held in the Yamên jail was not obtainable until a month after the trials commenced; frequent requests to be notified daily of the new arrests elicited but few stray lists.

57. It was noticeable that the prisoners when brought into court would say to each other, “Tell what you saw, but not what you know.” As the trial progressed it was noted that there must be more or less intercourse between the prisoners; that some were poorly fed; that others were very dirty; some were handled roughly, while others were treated with more or less deference; the policy of the prisoners was, with little doubt, outlined by someone or previously agreed to among themselves. The testimony of some prisoners brought into court was often contradictory, evasive, and impossible to be true—one minute admitting their presence at the massacre, the next denying the same, and yet with all this their random answers to questions showed a knowledge of events which only a personal presence could have given. The prisoners were mostly ignorant and of the lower and laboring classes, constantly pleading that on account of their illiteracy their memory was feeble, forgetting that without the aids of education the senses of memory and sight are most keenly developed.

58. After the arrival of Hsü Taotai, the prosecution on the part; of the Chinese officials very perceptibly lagged. To explain this partly, the viceroy’s position, as announced to the committee by Hsü Taotai September 27, was that the massacre was considered by him as an ordinary murder, and the culprits were amenable only to the law applying to such cases. This opinion was contrary to the acts of his subordinates, the taotai, prefect, and district magistrate, as well as to their frequent declarations officially made in open court. Their only desire, at least as regards the magistrate and his deputies, seemed to be to make the testimony of the different prisoners agree in minimizing the number of participants in the massacre, and in strenuously avoiding any reference to the society, its origin, motives, and acts prior to the fatal occurrence. It is confidently believed that the testimony is falsified in order to produce harmonious statements, thus agreeing with the ethics of Chinese law.

59. The number of persons who started from the fastness for Huashan and the number reaching and present at the massacre suffered diminution as the trials progressed. The first prisoners examined gave more than 200 as the number that started, and considerably over 100 that arrived, while later this number diminished one-half at least. From outside sources, by actual count, nearly 300 started and on the return 120 stopped at a certain village for the mid-day meal, where they were counted. From the testimony of prisoners and others, the efforts of the officers and their subordinates were directed toward minimizing the numbers engaged. They fixed upon the number of 60 or 70 as those who assembled at Huashan, which I believe to be about one-half the correct number. Often was this number admitted by prisoners, and from outside sources it was confirmed. The magistrate and his deputies frequently so framed their questions as to convey the answer desired. This was particularly so in reference to numbers engaged. Deputies, sent to neighboring villages to make inquiries, performed their duties in a perfunctory manner, leaving the work to their runners and interpreters to do. In one case it was brought to the notice of the committee that at the village of Ta-ch’en the deputies arrived at 5 p.m., leaving at 9 the next morning; that the examination ended by getting a statement from the head men, prompted by the interpreter, to which the name of one of the Christians was forged. The other Christian signed under coercion.

procedure.

60. The accused examined first by the district magistrate or his deputy is, in accordance with Chinese custom, required to confess. This confession, often confirmed by confrontal with other prisoners, establishes the guilt. If guilty, the accused is required to sign his confession by an imprint of the left open hand, inked for the [Page 183] purpose, which signifies that “This is true,” and from it the accused is not allowed to recede. After the first examination the prisoner is then brought before the investigating committee, in open court, and is questioned by the Chinese officials upon his confession, the questions being asked in a manner to bring out answers confirming his confession. This being done, the consuls then questioned and cross-examined the accused. Frequently other prisoners were introduced for purposes of identification and confrontation, to incriminate others or themselves as well as to elucidate testimony.

the evidence.

61. The evidence, consisting of the statements of the survivors, the testimony deduced on trial, and that obtained from outside sources, shows that advantage was taken of the presence of soldiers in Kutien for the Vegetarians to assemble in large numbers at Kung shan ch’i (fastness). The leaders issued slips or notices to the yin-chin (petty leaders) to bring their followers to the fastness. Many were invited by word of mouth to see the military adviser, Cheng Chiu-chiu, to assemble, or commanded to assemble. The query as to cause or reason for thus assembling met the reply that the soldiers had come to arrest all Vegetarians, and it was therefore necessary to defend themselves. Under this pretext many returned to their homes to obtain arms and food. The information gained by the committee, from the evidence of the prisoners tried and from other sources, point to a general uprising, in which other districts and provinces were expected to join. As near as we can judge, it was to have occurred during the eighth moon (October).

62. Cheng Chiu-chiu, known as “Long Finger-nails” on account of the great length of his nails (three inches long on left hand), under the guise of a fortuneteller, reached the district of Kutien during the sixth moon (July) of this year, and shortly after the leaders evidently came together and the planning and plotting began. He was supposed to be a great military leader. The previous history of this man is shrouded in mystery; partially educated, being both mentally and intellectually the superior, as well as physically the inferior, of any other prisoner that was brought before the committee, he talked readily and most glibly, was conversant with the mandarin, as well as with the local dialects, and it is believed that he was not known as a Vegetarian to those actively engaged in the massacre. It is possible, however, that he may have been a member well advanced in the society, or else the readiness with which he attracted and made use of its members can not be easily understood. He evidently was an emissary sent for the purpose of inciting rebellious acts in this district. It is stated that he came from the west gate of Foochow. No attempt was made by the officials to obtain the history of this man that the committee is aware of.

63. Associated with Cheng Chiu-chiu in planning and organizing the massacre were Tu Chu-yi, Liu Hsiang-hsing, Lin Hsiang-hsing, Yao Pa-chang, Chang Chi, Tai Nu-lang, Yeh Fu-tieh. All of these except Cheng Chiu-chiu and Chang Chi, visited Huashan and took active parts in the attack. The latter, formerly head runner in the magistrate’s yamên at Kutien (but dismissed), one of the leading Vegetarians, and mixed up in rebellious acts prior to this, denied the former’s claim, and disagreed with the plans proposed. He was the one who gave information to Anchong village of the contemplated attack, and was selected to carry a letter to Foochow. Opening the same, he returned and disputed with the others, threatening to kill Tu Chu-yi and others. The committee surrendered all claim to this man as a participant in the massacre. He was held by the Chinese, and executed for his previous acts. As a result of the call sent out, over 300 members of the Vegetarian society gathered at some cattle sheds on the top of Kung shan ch’i during the last week of July, 1895, where they were armed.

64. To carry on an open rebellion and to defy the soldiers, money and food were necessary. To obtain these, robbery was resorted to and certain villages, where there were rich men, were selected as objects of attack. Cheng Chiu-chiu (whether inspired by others or not can not positively be stated, but it is confidently believed that he was acting under instructions) evidently directed attention to foreigners. Considering the general antiforeign sentiment that existed, this plan was readily accepted, and designs were entertained, first against the foreign property in the city of Kutien, which Chang Chi advocated, and second, against neighboring villages, and lastly against foreign property at Huashan. The reason given for not attacking Anchong village was that the inhabitants had made preparations to defend themselves.

65. In order to show that this step was approved of and ordered by the spirits, Cheng Chiu-chiu proposed to decide by lottery the destination, and he alone prepared slips of paper and deposited the same in a receptacle which, after incantations and prayers to Heaven, were drawn out, using incense sticks as chop-sticks, one at a time. This was repeated three times. Each slip of paper drawn out had written upon it “Huashan.” This drawing occurred three successive nights. It should be mentioned here [Page 184] that the evidence shows, that no one but Cheng Chiu-chiu saw the writing or prepared the slips. After the lottery had decided the point of attack, strict orders were issued to kill all foreigners, to rob and to burn; that all plunder should be brought back to the fastness and turned into a common store, to be devoted to the purchase of provisions and munitions; oaths of fidelity were taken by the members, such as to be torn to pieces by five wild horses, to be burned alive or suffer death by drowning, if unfaithful to their vows. Lists of the members were made out for mustering the horde, and after saluting a triangular flag, the march for Huashan was commenced about dusk on the 31st of July.

66. Two months before the assembly at Kung shan ch’i, Lin Hsiang-hsing had visited Huashan village, and, in company with two resident Vegetarians of the village, had inspected the foreign houses, as well as the native house to be occupied by Miss Hartford. Mr. Phillip’s intention to visit Huashan was unknown to the native guides, as he did not arrive until a few days before the massacre. This man, Lin Hsiang-hsing, reputed to be of great physical strength, an itinerant peddler accustomed to journey from place to place, was well fitted to lead the way. Tu Chu-yi, a most determined man, both forcible and magnetic, was selected to carry the flag, while Yeh Fu-tieh, a daring and fearless man, was chosen to give the signal, by firing a gun, to commence the attack.

67. About dusk on the last day of July the crowd, after saluting the flag, followed Lin Hsiang-hsing, who, armed with a trident, led the way to Huashan, followed by 300 or more Vegetarians, Tu Chu-yi, with the flag, bringing up the rear. These men, in passing by Anchang village, not quite half way to Huashan, numbered by count about midnight 298 men, who were armed with swords, tridents, spears, and sticks. From this time until the arrival at Huashan, between 6 and 7 o’clock in the morning, August 1, the numbers were diminished by desertion from fatigue and other causes until they numbered between 100 and 200 when they arrived upon the crest of the hill within view of the foreign houses.

68. The adult members of the houses had not all risen for the day, two of the children were on the slope of the hill just east of the houses picking wild flowers; a gun was fired, and a rush was made down this hill by the Vegetarian horde for the houses. The children picking flowers first heard the shouting, and then saw the howling mob; one fled toward the nearest house, the residence of their parents, to give the alarm, whereas the other lay down in the grass with the idea of escaping discovery, but she was caught, struck, and dragged by the hair. Numbers of the assailants then forced their way into each house, the teachers and servants fleeing, and the work of murder, robbery, and arson began.

69. Most of these men were bent upon plundering; ransacking all receptacles and tearing up bedding in the search for articles of value, particularly money. In their eagerness to obtain loot they often were engaged in scuffles, paying little or no attention to the occupants unless actually face to face, when they would strike them with their weapons.

70. The occupants, in their efforts to escape, attempted to get out first by the kitchen, but finding the door locked they returned to a bedroom, and in the attempt to get out by its window were driven back by men on the outside; finally, rushing from the room to escape by the rear, Miss Newcombe became separated and escaped by the front door to meet her death.

71. The other ladies escaped by the rear, but were quickly surrounded by ten or more Vegetarians; while pleading for their lives, offering both jewels and money to their assailants, an old man from the neighboring village interceded in their behalf (the identity of this man the committee failed to establish). At these appeals the crowd surrounding these ladies hesitated, when Tu Chu yi, appearing and noticing the hesitation of his followers, waved the flag and commanded these men to carry out their orders and kill quickly. These ladies were then all stricken down at the rear of the upper house, and only one lives to tell the tale.

72. Lin Hsiang-hsing, seeing the work underway at the upper house, passed on to the front of the lower house, where, encountering a lady, he stabbed her with his trident; this lady, Miss Newcombe, falling, he passed rapidly on and turning westward from the lower house, following the path that led by the rear to the native house occupied by Miss Hartford. Upon reaching this house he confronted Miss Hartford issuing forth to ascertain the cause of the tumult; with a cry indicative of his intention to kill, he made a lunge with his trident at Miss Hartford, who, seizing the weapon—receiving a scratch under the ear—diverted the blow, but was thrown down by the shock and jostling that ensued. After she fell, the fiend began to beat her with the handle of his weapon. Mrs. Teng, wife of Miss Hartford’s Chinese teacher, must at this time have caught the murderer by his cue; turning him and receiving a kick in the abdomen, she was knocked down. Miss Hartford’s servant, Siong Duk, then grabbed the trident, wrenching it away, and began to beat the murderer with the handle, knocking him down. Lin Hsiang-hsing recovered himself, and in trying to escape tumbled down over an embankment, but finally [Page 185] got away. The native teacher of Miss Hartford early took refuge by flight, leaving his pupil and his wife to battle alone with the murderer. Miss Hartford in trying to escape fell down a terrace; gathering herself up and going to the door of a native house near by, in which her teacher had taken refuge, she was denied admission; but finally, aided by Ah-kieng, a servant, she found a refuge.

73. During this time the fiendish work was still going on at the two foreign houses, the Vegetarians smashing and breaking the furniture, piling up the debris; kerosene, brought in bamboo jugs and found on the premises, was poured around and the match applied. Selecting such articles as could be conveniently carried, robbing both dead and living, the mob at the signal of a horn took up its retreat.

74. Miss Codrington and the wounded children, seeing that the Vegetarians had withdrawn, exerted themselves to save and assist their fellow-sufferers, nobly dragging from the burning buildings those who were still living, as well as the bodies of the dead that were on the outside in danger of being burned. Then by their own efforts, aided by the native servant, Siong Duk, of Miss Hartford, they took refuge in the latter’s house, where Mr. Phillips and Dr. Gregory found them.

75. After the departure of the assailants the villagers promptly removed every article obtainable, refusing to aid in carrying the wounded into the houses or to care for them in any other way. Upon visiting the ruins on September 26 the committee failed to find the smallest piece of metal, all having been stolen by the villagers.

76. Upon leaving the scene of the massacre many of the assailants found their way back to the fastness, with such loot as they had, going by different routes. As many as 120, by actual count, stopped en route at a village for their midday meal. Others, with their loot, immediately deserted the main body and proceeded to their homes by various ways, in groups of greater or less numbers. Still others, fearing robbery by their companions, straggled back to Kung shan ch’i by routes other than that followed by the main body. Arriving at the fastness, the loot was generally surrendered and turned into a common store to be appropriated later, before disbanding, by the leaders and by those fortunate enough to seize the articles. In many villages loot was paraded and even offered for sale. Very little loot was found upon those arrested, and none but that so found was ever recovered.

77. It is probable that this attack had been contemplated by some (?) long before its realization, as evidenced (1) the visit of Cheng Chiu-chiu, who, arriving in the district but a few days prior to the deed, rapidly assumed sway over a horde of men untrained except to do the bidding of their yin-chin (petty leaders); (2) his prophecy contained in his letter of invitation to Chang Chi, undoubtedly the superior of the other leaders in many ways; (3) the visit of Lin Hsiang-hsing to Huashan to spy out the premises; (4) the frequent visits, previous to the attack, to the foreign houses of stranger faces; (5) the inquiring if firearms were kept in the house, the servants answering no; (6) together with the fact that visits had within a few months been made by many of the leaders to Foochow, notably by Tu Chu-yi and Lin Hsiang-hsing, ostensibly to attend meetings of the society held on a small island in the Min River, between the two bridges. These incidents, in my mind, point to a time and place, other than the gathering at the fastness, when this diabolical plot was conceived. There is very little, if any, proof to show that the plot was purely one against foreigners, and it is believed it was not; considering that indications show it was mainly insurrectionary in its tendency, and that money being essential for a successful rebellion, this attack on Huashan was one of a number of side plans to obtain the necessary funds.

78. It also appears, that after the attack on Huashan a number of armed men were seen going from Kung Shan chi toward Kutien. These men, 16 in number, under a leader (since beheaded) carrying a flag, passed during the night of August 3 through villages on the road between the two places. Their designation they refused to impart, but as some of the inhabitants of Kutien reported having seen armed men in the vicinity of the bridge crossing the creek at the east gate of the city, the rebels can be credited with the intention of attacking the city. This was unquestionably the plan of Chang Chi, and one of the points that led to the open rupture between him and the other leaders.

79. The prophecy referred to in paragraph 77, as contained in the invitation of Cheng chiu-chiu to Chang Chi, was, “Five hundred years ago it was decided Vegetarians’ affairs are important.” A table of arrests, trials, and results is appended, marked F.

80. It is apparent that United States citizens resident in China should be required to register at the consulate nearest their usual domicile, and also to keep that official informed of their movements; furthermore, they should be enjoined to be amenable to consular authority. If this condition can be secured it would often be productive of good results.

81. The conduct of Miss Hartford’s servant, Siong Duk, also that of Mrs. Teng, the wife of her native teacher, both natives of China and converts to Christianity, deserve some official recognition. But for their devotion and courage, the opposite [Page 186] of that displayed by the native servants of the British members of that colony, the United States would have lost a citizen by murder. It is a pleasant duty to commend these persons to such favorable action as you may deem appropriate, being of the opinion that their humanity and fidelity should be noticed and marked in some substantial manner. (See pars. 10, 72.)

82. The behavior of the residents of Huashan village, more particularly those living in the immediate vicinity of the two houses destroyed, is deserving of condemnation, for (1) their plundering of the ruins, even in the presence of the wounded and dead; (2) their refusal to render any aid, except under compulsion, to care for the living and dead, and also to transport them to Sui-kow; and (3) lastly, but of greater importance, their failure in any way to go to the aid or succor of this colony when subjected to the dastardly attack, which merits severe censure. Such action should be taken as will inflict upon every one incriminated, by residence or presence, a lasting reminder of their failure to protect human fife and property. A most worthy exception, and one deserving of great praise and reward, is the, old man who alone of the mob and bystanders interceded for the lives of the ladies surrounded at the rear of the house by the assassins (par. 71).

83. Without advocating any money indemnity, leave can not be taken of the subject without suggesting that personal losses should be made good; and, also, that the children, so suddenly robbed of their natural protectors and providers, who survived this terrible calamity, and passed through, as it were, the very gates of death, should receive some remuneration for their irreparable loss.

84. The experience gained during the investigation without question shows that in future inquiries of a similar nature much time will be saved and better results be obtained if before work begins a Chinese official of appropriate rank, vested with plenary power, be appointed or designated by the Throne as its representative to be associated with the inquiry. The committee was convinced of this necessity early in the investigation. Such an appointment gains little or nothing if not vested with full power, thus avoiding the circumlocutory methods pursued of referring all vital questions to a superior many miles removed. It removes also the shifting of responsibility, the source of much misunderstanding, and avoids the great obstacle of misrepresentation of facts and conditions, all of which were experienced by the committee.

85. To conclude, attention is respectfully invited to the following summary regarding the responsibility of certain officials, who, but for their inertness, inefficiency, and culpable neglect, could have prevented the crime that has been made the subject of this report.

86. Li Ch’i-tseng, city magistrate, reputed to have occupied the office in Kutien for twenty-eight years, also reputed to be a relative of Liu Hsiang-hsing (par. 26), the propagandist, by his position and length of service should have been a great aid to the district magistrate of Kutien, but he proved by his acts to have been more the friend and abettor of the lawless than an official charged with the maintenance of good order and the administration of the laws of the country. He acted as the go-between or interceder for the Vegetarians that (par. 30) invaded the yamên and demanded the release of the Vegetarians held for using seditious language. Acting upon information (par. 32), he attempted to remove his goods and family from Kutien when that city was threatened by the Vegetarians in March, 1895. He endeavored (par. 33) to prevent the sending of soldiers to Kutien when the district magistrate requested the viceroy to send them. He tried to influence the deputy, Ho Ting (par. 40), contrary to the appeals of the villagers from An Chong, when that place was threatened with an attack from the Vegetarians assembling at Kung shan ch’i in July, 1895, just prior to the massacre; and finally, after the massacre, he attempted to influence the deputy, Ho Ting, making light of the affair and acting in a contradictory manner, while Dr. Gregory was making an appeal for soldiers to be sent to Huashan on the day of the massacre (par. 43). His conduct merits the strongest condemnation and plainly indicates his sympathies with the lawless Vegetarians and fully establishes his criminal inefficiency for any official position. His acts should be visited with the severest punishment.

87. Wang Yu-yang, district magistrate of Kutien prior to May, 1895, as indicated in paragraph 29, showed his weakness and inefficiency in failing to take cognizance of the lawless and depredatory acts of Vegetarians in August and again in October, 1894, at the village of Hsia Tien-ping. Again, although prompted to do his duty by his confidential secretary, Chiang (par. 30), he allowed himself to be intimidated and coerced into releasing Vegetarians that he had caused the arrest of for using seditious language; furthermore, he entered into negotiations with a lawless element, assembled at his yamên to intimidate him; he accepted their dictation as to the disposition of prisoners then in his custody, and as to degrading, punishing, and dismissing his secretary, who had influenced him on the side of law and order. He displayed cowardice and failed to take prompt and energetic measures to carry out his intentions (par. 31) in disposing of the numerous cases that had accumulated at [Page 187] his yamên. Instead of taking proper measures to meet and to overcome the rebellious acts of Vegetarians (par. 32), he became alarmed (par. 33), and consented to and did confer with leaders of the rebels (par. 34), accepting their false statements upon the poorest of security. And he utterly failed to make known to the official (par. 35) sent by the viceroy to inquire into the condition of affairs that authorized his call (par. 33) for soldiers, the lawless condition rife in his magistracy—and this, either from fear of exposing his inability to cope with the situation, or from shame to confess the humiliation to which he had been subjected. He allowed this official to depart after a stay of but one day, and to carry back to the viceroy the impression (par. 35) that the condition of affairs at Kutien did not warrant the sending of troops to that district. Owing to his timidity, apathy, and supineness, this official is guilty of a gross and criminal neglect of duty. His acts give proof of his inefficiency, and merit severe punishment.

88. Li Sen-sang, the we-iyuan, sent by the viceroy, T’an Chung-lin, in response to the calls of Wang Yu-yang, district magistrate, Kutien (par. 33), and of the British consul (par. 35), and the request of the United States consul (par. 36), did fail properly to perform his duties. This man had previously gained notoriety while magistrate of the Kien-yang district in a case involving a British missionary, in which a house was burnt and excrement thrown. He remained only one day at Kutien, and then returned to Foochow, reporting that the district was quiet, and that there were no grounds for disquieting rumors or the dispatching of troops—a gross dereliction of duty, as the lawless acts in the district of Kutien could have been learned if any but a most superficial inquiry had been made. The conduct of this official deserves the severest censure.

89. Tseng Kuang-kuei, the rich citizen of the First ward, Kutien, should be required to explain his action (par. 33) in opposing the sending of soldiers in response to the magistrate’s call. Tseng Kuang-tou, brother of the above mentioned, should be interrogated as to his efforts, at the request of his brother, to prevent the sending of troops as called for (par. 33). The brothers merit censure for their interference and their want of supporting the magistrate accredited to the Kutien district.

90. Wang Ju-lin, the official who relieved Wang Yu-yang in May, 1895, as district magistrate, Kutien, undoubtedly fell heir to the disorganized condition of the district due to the failures and inefficiency of his predecessors. Apparently he accepted the situation and remained inactive until the murder at Cho-yang village (par. 38), when he made a request upon the viceroy for troops. It is reported that this magistrate, Wang Ju-lin, has been degraded. He was supplanted by I Chien. (It should be stated that this official, Wang Ju-lin, who was sent by Ho Ting, the deputy, to the scene of the massacre, upon the request of Dr. Gregory for soldiers, acted upon arriving at Huashan as if paralyzed with fear, remarking, “This is all the fault of the Foochow authorities. I never asked for soldiers, and what was the good of sending 200 when the Vegetarians are in thousands?”)

91. Ho Ting, a deputy, was sent in response to the call of Wang Ju-lin (par. 39), to investigate his report. Although impressed with the gravity of the situation, he failed, after the arrival of the soldiers, to take any active steps tending to ascertain the truth of the rumors then flying about, or to disperse the Vegetarians assembled at Kung shan ch’i, or heed the calls from threatened villages (par. 40). He acted promptly after the massacre (par. 13) upon the demand of Dr. Gregory. This official is culpable, having shirked the responsibility of attacking the assembled rebels at the fastness, mainly for want of soldiers, thinking that the force at his disposal (200) greatly inadequate to the situation. Had he displayed the same promptness before the massacre that he showed afterwards, the necessity for the censure and future action in his case would not exist. It is reported that he gave no orders to the military to leave the city.

92. I Chien, acting district magistrate, who superseded Wang Ju-lin as the magistrate of Kutien district, arrived at Kutien August 5, four days after the massacre. He deserves praise for the avidity with which arrests were first made, also for the energy displayed in conducting the trials, but this zeal soon fell off and the arrests diminished (pars. 21, 47). He was responsible for the method of conducting examinations and the custody of the prisoners (par 57). Some were subjected to the most stringent examinations; in the case of others these were less exacting. It was evident that the prisoners connected with or identified with previous lawless acts, particularly those directed against officials, were treated with great severity, showing a strong desire on his part to punish offenders against the Chinese rather than those implicated with the case in hand. Some of the leaders were treated gently by the yamên runners, almost with deference. After the arrival of Hsü Taotai the proceedings before the magistrate were marked with an apathy, a listlessness, on the part of the magistrate and his deputies. This official displayed no desire to obtain any information tending to show the origin of the movement or the conception of the attack prior to the gathering at the fastness. This method prevented the committee from tracing direct responsibility for the attack beyond the murderers themselves. [Page 188] The issue of the obnoxious proclamation (par. 53), and its reissue (so to speak) mentioned in paragraph 54, undoubtedly showed an animosity against Christians, and proved detrimental to the inquiry. The unwarranted release of the suspects (par. 55) also showed the indifference of this official to the investigation by the committee. The attempt, by asking leading questions, to make the testimony of different prisoners (pars. 58, 59) harmonize, and to minimize the numbers engaged, showed a disposition to belittle the inquiry. The opinion is entertained that this man has undoubted ability, and that if free to act, unhampered by superiors, and if influenced by a desire to silt the matter, he would prove a tearless official. It is difficult to overlook his evident antiforeign sentiments; and for these he, as an official, deserves censure, for he at times showed disgust and contempt.

93. T’an Pao-chien, now acting salt taotai, was the prefect residing in Foochow. Unable to attend to both duties, he was relieved of the duties of prefect in July, 1895. Prior to July, being the superior official, he was in a measure responsible for the perturbed condition of his prefecture, and therefore deserves condemnation. His failure to see that his subordinates, the magistrates, performed their duties efficiently merits censure. He should have informed himself of the true state of affairs and have taken prompt measures to correct the growing lawlessness.

94. Ch’en Ping-chi, as acting prefect, the substitute for T’an Pao-chien, failed to inform himself of the true condition of affairs in his prefecture, or if informed did not take measures to remedy the same, not going to his post until after the massacre. While on his way to Kutien, he failed to render promptly the assistance requested by Dr. Gregory (pars. 14, 52), which humanity demanded. His refusal to allow the consuls to be present at trials (par. 22) should not be overlooked. He allowed the magistrate to issue the obnoxious proclamation (par. 23), and failed, when his attention had been called to the matter, to have the same at once recalled. He allowed the magistrate to release incriminated suspects (par. 55) without consulting the consuls, as agreed upon (par. 23), and failed to order rearrests. He, furthermore, allowed the magistrate and deputies to conduct examinations and record evidence in a manner at variance with the testimony elicited before the committee.

95. Hsü Hsing-yi, taotai, sent in response to request of the committee for a high official with plenary powers, arrived in Kutien September 10. From this date the arrests rapidly decreased, and the vigor of the prosecution on the part of the Chinese officials perceptibly diminished. He allowed the magistrate to reissue the obnoxious proclamation, after having supplied the consuls with official copies of a new proclamation that met with their approval (par. 54). When his attention was called to the duplicity of the magistrate, he accepted from him an explanation known to be inconsistent with the proper performance of duty He, in his report to the viceroy, quoted by the Tsung-li Yamên to you, under date of October 6, falsely represented the condition of affairs, and made malicious and false charges against the native Christians.

96 T’an Chung-lin, viceroy prior to May, 1895, but now at Canton, failed to take proper measures to inform himself as to the true condition of affairs in the district of Kutien, He failed to take the necessary steps when informed by the British consul (par. 35) of the perturbed condition in Kutien district, to correct the same. He failed to act promptly upon the receipt of a request from the district magistrate, Wang Yu-yang, in March, 1895 (par. 33) for soldiers; but, instead of so doing, caused a delay by sending Li Sen-seng to investigate, who failed properly to perform his mission. This viceroy by removing the district magistrate, Wang Yu-yang, shortly afterwards, gives proof of the failure on his part properly to administer the laws, and also shows that he performed the duties of his high office in a most culpable and inefficient manner. He should be severely dealt with.

97. Pien Pao-ch’uan, viceroy since May, 1895, is culpable, (1) for failing to heed the warning contained in district magistrate Wang Ju-lin’s request for troops in June, 1895 (pars. 38, 39), causing delay by sending Ho Ting to investigate, and (2), upon receiving the latter’s report, for sending a force inadequate to the occasion; (3) for placing obstacles in the way of the committee reaching Kutien promptly to begin the investigation; (4) for so construing the law as to lessen the gravity of the crime; (5) for delay in sending Hsü taotai to Kutien in compliance with imperial edict; (6) for informing the consuls that Hsü taotai had been appointed on the foreign board, concealing the fact that the latter was appointed to assist in the inquiry, and (7) for delaying official action in the cases of criminals proved by their own confessions to have, by their acts, merited death. It is believed that two sets of instructions were issued by the viceroy to his subordinates at Kutien, one to be made public, the other private, materially altering the firsthand productive of delay, which caused strong protests on the part of the committee.

98. Referring to paragraph 36, attention is called to the conduct of the president of the foreign board at Foochow, Taotai Ch’en, informing the United States consul, in answer to the latter’s request that immediate steps be taken to suppress the growing lawlessness near Kutien, that 400 soldiers had been sent, whereas this information could not be substantiated at Kutien.

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99. As a result of the investigation, 26 criminals have been beheaded—7 on September 17, and 14 on October 21, at Kutien, and 5 at Foochow, November 7, 1895. The committee has never asked, suggested, or recommended clemency, but persistently demanded that the participants in the massacre should be tried, convicted, and sentenced in accordance with the criminal code of China. The committee furthermore regarded its duty solely that of investigating, never assuming judicial or other functions, but recognizing that the ultimate settlement belonged to the United States Government.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

J. S. Newell,
Commander, United States Navy,
Member of Committee of Investigation on the part of the United States

.

To Hon. Charles Denby,
United States Minister, Peking, China.

Appendix A.

Statement of Miss Mabel C. Hartford.

August 1, 7.30 a.m., heard shouts and yells. Servants rushed in shouting for me to get up, the Vegetarians were coming; that they were tearing down the houses on the hill (belonging to English mission). Ten minutes later my teacher came to my door and told me to run. I put on my clothes, rushed to the door to be met by a man with trident spear, who yelled, “Here’s a foreign woman” and pointed the spear at my chest. I twisted it to one side, and it just grazed my ear and head beside the ear. He threw me to the ground and beat me with the wooden end of spear. A servant came and wrenched the spear away and told me to run. I jumped down an embankment and ran along the road. A servant came and pulled me along until I got up the side of the hill, where I lay to get more breath. After resting twice I reached a secluded spot and lay there. All the time the yells went on and the two houses were burning to the ground. After a while the yells stopped, and we supposed the Vegetarians had gone away, so the servant went to see how matters were. He returned in half an hour telling me to come home; that five ladies of English mission had been killed, and some wounded were at my house. This was a rented native house and not troubled it all. I went home to find Miss Codrington much cut about head and beaten all over; Mildred Stewart (12 years) cut on knee, bleeding very hard; Herbert Stewart (6 years) cut on head, almost dead; Baby Stewart (1 year old) one eye black and swollen; the second Stewart girl, Kathleen (11 years), and the second boy, Evan (3 years), were beaten and pierced with spear, but not seriously injured. The boy vomited all day at times, but we thought from fright.

Mr. Phillips, of English mission, lived in a native house at some distance and escaped all injury, only arriving in time to see bodies of dead and hear the Vegetarians say “We have killed all the foreigners.” At first we heard some of the foreigners had escaped and were in hiding, but as Mr. Stewart did not come we feared the worst. Mr. Phillips went to ruins and found eight bodies—five not burned and three burned so as not to be recognizable. Dr. Gregory arrived at dark and dressed the patients. Coffins were made and bodies put in, and bones of burned put in boxes. Another burned one was found, making nine grown people massacred. (1) Rev. R. W. Stewart and (2) his wife, Mrs. Stewart; (3) a nurse from Ireland called Lena; (4) Miss Nellie Saunders, and (5) Miss Topsy Saunders, Australia; these lived in the upper house called “The Stewart House;” (6) Miss Hessie Newcombe, Ireland; (7) Miss Elsie Marshall, and (8) Miss Lucy Stewart, England; (9) Miss Annie Gordon, Australia.

The first four were burned beyond recognition. Miss Topsy Saunders ran out of the house and was killed outside. Miss Hessie Newcombe was thrown down an embankment, her head nearly severed from her shoulders. Miss Gordon’s head was also nearly cut off. The bodies were put in coffins, and we left Hua-sang for Sui-kow at about 4 o’clock Friday p.m., August 2. Herbert died about three hours later just below Co-iong. We took on body in chair and had coffin made at Cui-kau;1 reached Cui-kau at about 8 o’clock Saturday a.m. and telegraphed to Foochow for steam launch; left Cui-kau in two native boats at 3 p.m., and Sunday a.m. met steam launch going to Cui-kau, taking soldiers. Engaged them to tow us to Foochow, and soon met a rescuing party in a launch. The party consisted of the United States marshal and two English missionaries, bringing full supplies for sufferers.

When I was thrown down my teacher’s wife called on some Hua-sang men who stood around to save me. There were four men there and only one Vegetarian, but they would not help me. She came and tried to pull me away as he beat me and [Page 190] the Vegetarian kicked her. When this Vegetarian who beat me started down the hill to come to our house there were three others with him, but these three ran off after some Chinamen, so I escaped with only one persecutor. I only saw the one man who attacked me, who shouted, “Here’s a foreign woman.” He had a trident spear. Some of them had swords, and there was at least one gun, for it was fired off. The natives say there were more. Hong, the Kutien magistrate, came up to Hau-sang Friday p.m., August 2, with 100 soldiers. He viewed the bodies, saw the injured, and inquired the names of all and places of injuries and wrote out an account. He did what he could to help us to get off to Cui-kau.

Mabel C. Hartford

.

United States Consulate, Foochow, August 4, 1895.

Appendix B.

Statement of Miss Flora Codrington.

It was about 6.45 on Thursday morning, August 1. I had been up about half-hour and was almost dressed, when I was startled by a sudden shout of men’s voices, followed by a child’s scream and rapidly succeeded by the loud report of a cracker and terrified cries from the servants’ and teachers’ quarters. I went at once to our front door, and there met Miss Gordon coming into the house (she had been sitting outside reading). In answer to my inquiry “What is the matter?” she answered “Something serious, I think; the rioters are here.” Just as she was speaking one of our teachers rushed into the house and out the back way without speaking, and then I saw a man coming from the Stewarts’ house brandishing a long spear in his hand. I got the front door shut and locked before he reached it, and calling to Miss Gordon to help close the shutters in front of the house as rapidly as possible at the same time, we both urged the other ladies, who were still in bed, to get their things on and come at once. The man outside began beating in the windows with his spear, calling others to join him. More men came, a cracker was let off in front of our house and then they all set to work to break in the front of the house. Miss Newcombe and Miss Marshall were soon ready and joined Miss Gordon and myself at Miss Stewart’s door, which was fastened on the inside. After a little delay Miss Stewart opened her door, but she had not succeeded in getting her things on before the men had effected an entrance. Some one shut the bedroom door and fastened it, but we soon saw our position was more helpless shut in there, so we opened the door and made a rush to escape by the kitchen, hoping the men were too busy plundering to notice. Unfortunately the kitchen door was fastened on the inside, so we retired to Miss Stewart’s room again to consult, Miss Marshall receiving a wound on her shoulder. We tried to escape by the window, had got the shutter open and were in the act of jumping out when two men rushed at us and drove us back with their spears. We knelt together in prayer as the men hammered on the door. Soon it burst open and in they rushed, but at first were too busy searching for money to molest us.

Seeing the kitchen door open, four of us, Miss Gordon, Miss Marshall, Miss Stewart, and I, made for that, but Miss Newcombe got separated from us and I never saw her again. We passed safely through the deserted kitchen and into the court at the back, where we were again confronted by men. They searched us to see if we had any money about us, and one pulled the ring off my finger. They were passing on into the house when another man came and asked them, “Have you secured anything? And the foreigners, have you killed them all yet?” “Not yet,” was the reply. “Do it quickly, then,” he said. I think it was just then a man, whose dress and appearance differed from all the rest, and who, I think, belonged to the Hwa Sang village, interposed and begged them to spare our lives. “If you give us $2,000,” was the scornful reply given him. Miss Marshall then begged me to go to this man and get him to help us. I asked him to save us if he could. “They won’t kill you,” he said. By this time we had got outside and were standing between the Stewarts’ house and ours, at the back. The men gathered round and threatened us with knives and spears. A division arose among them; some suggested taking us to Kucheng, for the hope of a reward; others shouted “Kill them,” “Kill them.” Miss Marshall’s wound was bleeding profusely, and I begged her to let me try to staunch it, but she declared it was nothing. For a moment it seemed they decided not to kill us, but to bind us and take us to Kucheng. Miss Marshall again asked me to beg them not to bind us. I went to the seeming leader and said we would walk quietly, and told him if he killed us or ill-treated us the consequences would be most serious. “Walk on, then,” he said. Just at that moment a man came rushing toward us carrying a red flag and crying, “Kill them, kill them, everyone.” A man seized me by the collar of my jacket and pointed a knife to my throat; then, as our eyes met, he dropped his hand and walked away. In the scuffle, I had been dragged away from [Page 191] the others a little way, but now got hack to them and, standing close together, we received the onslaught.

A blow on the head made me unconscious for a minute. When I came to I was lying between Miss Marshall and Miss Stewart. I still heard men’s voices, so lay quite still. Miss Marshall was groaning a little at first and I hoped was still living. Soon I heard the order to start given, followed by the crackling of burning wood, which told me our houses were on fire. The next thing I remember was hearing Cassie Stewart’s voice crying “Oh! they’ve killed them all.” As soon as I dared, I got up. A glance told me Miss Stewart and Miss Gordon had gone, but Miss Marshall and Miss Topsy Saunders seemed to be breathing still. They were lying just under the wall of the house and with some difficulty I dragged them a little farther out of the reach of the flames, then, feeling my own strength fast giving way, I went in search of help. Standing on the hill, I looked down and saw a man standing below. I beckoned to him to come, but I think he was too frightened; still I knew by his signs he was friendly, and so, somehow I made my way down the hill to where he was standing. Cassie Stewart joined me on the way with baby and told me the other children were on the hill, but she did not know where her mother and father were. Some Christians then joined us. At first they were afraid to take us to Miss Hartford’s house, which was close at hand, fearing the return of the rioters, but finding that I could not walk any farther they got me in there and then went for the children. I was unconscious after this, I think, for I do not remember anything now after till I heard Mr. Phillips and the children in the next room. Mr. Phillips came to me and stanched the bleeding with wet rags; he then went to see if the others still lived, but it was soon ascertained that of our mission only the children and myself survived. For Mr. Phillips’s prompt attention I feel under God I owe my life. Later in the evening Dr. Gregory arrived and dressed our wounds. We owe much to his kind care then, and on the journey down. The next day we left for Foochow and arrived on Sunday afternoon.

(Taken from the Foochow Daily Echo of August 31, 1895.)

Appendix C.

Statement of Miss Kathleen Stewart.

Last Thursday morning (August 1) between 6.30 and 7 a.m. Mildred and I were in the garden (just outside the house on a hill we called the garden) picking ferns and flowers because it was Herbert’s birthday and we were going to decorate the breakfast table. We saw coming along, and at first I thought they were “dang dangs” (load men). Milly saw their spears and told me to run, but I was so frightened I lay in the grass thinking perhaps they would not see me. The men did see me, and took hold of me and pulled me by my hair along toward the house. Just as we arrived there fell down. They then began beating me. I got away from them and ran to the back door. I tried to shut it, but could not at first, as the men put their sticks in. I afterwards succeeded and bolted it. Then I went into our bedroom and got under the bed. Mildred was on her bed. Soon the men broke open the door and entered our bedroom. First they pulled off all the bedclothes, opened the drawers, and took what they wanted to, smashed windows and things, then began beating Mildred and cut her with their swords; afterwards they left the room. One man saw me under the bed as they were going out and gave me a knock on the head with a stick. We next saw Topsy Saunders, with her cheek very much cut, being walked backward and forward by the men, who were asking her questions, and if not answered quickly dug a spear into her. One question we heard them ask was about her money, and she told them that they had taken all that she had. Topsy afterwards came and told us to go into her room and we went out and lay on the bed in her room. Topsy then left the room. We saw Nellie Saunders lying by the door moaning. From the window we saw the men outside the backdoor beating and killing the “guniongs” (ladies). Four were outside, one “guniong’s” head I saw quite smashed up in a corner. It was an awful sight. Very soon I heard a rushing noise like water. Went out to see what it was and found the house on fire. I went back to Mildred and told her and she got up and we walked through the servant’s rooms to the nursery, where we found Herbert covered with blood, Lena lying on the ground (I think she was dead; she was covered with blood) with baby beside her and Evan sitting crying. I screamed at Lena, she did not answer; I tried to lift her up, but could not. I took baby first and laid her down outside, then went back for Evan. We then all (Mildred and Herbert included) went down past the “guniongs” house, which was all in a blaze, into the little wood. After waiting there a little while I saw Miss Codrington with a Chinese man; I called out to her, and the [Page 192] Chinese man then came and carried Herbert to Miss Hartford’s house, I carrying baby, and Mildred and Evan waiting in the wood. I then went back and carried Evan to Miss Hartford’s house, and was going back for Mildred, but met her on the way trying to walk. She could only walk a few steps and then I heard a cracking sound in her knee and she fell down. We saw a Chinese man; I beckoned to him, and he came and helped Mildred to walk a little way and then carried her to Miss Hartford’s house. We stayed at Miss Hartford’s house till Friday afternoon, when we started, about 4 p.m., for Foochow.

(Taken from the Foochow Daily Echo of August 10, 1895.)

Appendix D.

Statement of Rev. H. S. Phillips, C. M. S.

About 6.30 a.m. on August 1, hearing shouting from the direction of the Stewarts’s house (I was sleeping in a house five minutes’ walk off, though spending most of the day with the Stewarts), I went out, and at first thought it was simply a number of children playing, but I soon was convinced that the voices were those of excited men, and started off for the house. I was soon met by natives, who almost pulled me back, shouting the Vegetarians had come.

I said that I must go on, and soon got in sight of the house. I could see numbers of men—say, 40 or 50—carrying off loads of plunder; one man seemed to be the leader, carrying a small red flag. I could see nothing of any Europeans. As this was in full view of the rioters, I crept up a hill in the brushwood and got behind two trees, from 20 to 30 yards from the house. Here I could see everything, and appeared not to be seen at all.

As I could see no foreigners, I concluded they had escaped, and as to go down was certain death, I thought it better to wait where I was. After a minute or two the retreat horn sounded and the Vegetarians began to leave; but before they did so they set fire to the houses. Ten minutes after this every Vegetarian had gone.

I came down, looked about the front of the house, but could see nothing of anyone, though I feared something dreadful had happened, as I heard the Vegetarians as they left say repeatedly, “Now all the foreigners are killed.”

I just then met one of the servants, who told me that the children were in the house in which Miss Hartford, of the American mission, was staying. I found Mr. Stewart’s eldest daughter, Mildred, here with a serious wound in one knee and another severe cut. When I had washed these and put what calico we had to staunch the bleeding, I turned to Herbert, Mr. Stewart’s son, who was fearfully hacked almost everywhere. Then Miss Codrington sent me a message that she too was in the house. I found her in a fearful condition, but by cold water and rags we managed to staunch the bleeding. She begged me to wait, as she thought Miss Topsy Saunders was still alive.

I then rushed to the back of the house and found the bodies of Misses T. Saunders, Stewart, Gordon, and Marshall. The latter was awfully cut, her head almost severed, but beyond wounds given in the struggle the bodies were not mutilated. Then later I found Miss H. Newcombe’s body at the foot of a hill in front of the house, where it had evidently been thrown. As then I could see no traces of Mr. and Mrs. Stewart, Miss N. Saunders, and Lena, the nurse, we hoped some had escaped, and I returned to the house where the four Stewart children and Miss Codrington were.

Presently Miss Hartford arrived. She had received a nasty cut under one ear, but had been saved from death by a native man. I learned later from Miss Codrington that the five ladies of the Zenana Missionary Society, who lived in the lower of the two houses which form the Kutien Sanitarium, after a futile effort to escape, got out at the back and were immediately surrounded by Vegetarians.

At first they said they intended to bind them and carry them away, and they begged if this was their intention they might be allowed their umbrellas, but this was instantly refused. Some even of the Vegetarians seemed touched with their pleading for life, and an old Hua-sang man alone of the natives who did not take part begged that their lives might be saved. Some of the Vegetarians were inclined to spare them, but were ordered by their leader to carry out their orders. Had they been able to escape into the brushwood around there seems little doubt they might have been saved. The great misfortune was that only two of them were dressed.

Mr. and Mrs. Stewart, I learned from Kathleen, were not dressed. Lena, the nurse, died protecting baby, whom Kathleen managed to carry out of the house, though not before the baby’s eye had been injured.

Miss Nellie Saunders, Kathleen told me, was also knocked down at the nursery door going to help the children, and as we afterwards found the remains of a burned body there we had little doubt it was hers.

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For a long time we thought that at least Mr. and Mrs. Stewart had escaped, but later I found their bodies, or rather ashes, in what had been their bedroom.

The Hua-sang people seemed to have, as a whole, no hand in the affair, though doubtless four or five Vegetarian families were concerned; the natives say the Vegetarian band came from the east road (of Kutien city) and many from Ang-iong and A-dieng-bang, within 30 or 40 li of Kutien.

The Kutien former magistrate, Wong, came up in the evening to examine into the case.

H. S. Phillips

.

U. S. Consulate,
Foochow, August 4, 1895.

Appendix E.

Statement of Dr. J. J. Gregory, M. D.

At 12.30 p.m., on August 1, a native Christian rushed into my study, saying that; several of the foreign ladies at Huasang,1 a mountain resort 4 “puo” (12 miles) from Kutien city, had been killed, that morning and two houses burned.

Fifteen minutes later, a note from Mr. Phillips confirmed this report, for he wrote that 5 ladies were dead, the Stewarts missing, and 4 seriously wounded, and expressed the hope that I was then on my way to Huasang. I at once went into the yamên, where hundreds of excited natives had already gathered. I requested the district magistrate, Uong, to send soldiers at once to Huasang to protect those who were still living. In a half hour the magistrate himself went to Huasang under escort of about 60 soldiers.

At 3 p.m. I myself left Kutien city, under escort of 13 soldiers, arriving at Huasang at 8 p.m., to find that 9 adults (British subjects) had been murdered, and that all those alive at Huasang (8 only), had been more or less severely injured, excepting Mr. Phillips, who had arrived there only two or three days before and was lodging at a native house some distance from the English cottages.

I was delayed in leaving Kutien, owing to the fact that coolies refused to carry chairs.

On my arrival, I set to work to make the injured as comfortable as possible. Miss Codrington had received one sword wound, extending from the left angle of the mouth diagonally outward and downward, several inches long, completely dividing the lower lip and exposing the inferior maxillary bone; also one cut on crown, 3 inches in length and quite down to the inner table of the skull; one cut across nose and beneath right eye, 5 inches long, and another cut, 3 inches long, on right side of neck. The last two were skin wounds only. There were also two contusions on right arm and a deep-punctured wound on the outside of the right thigh. Her condition is serious. Miss Hartford, the only American citizen residing in Huasang at that time, was living in a small native house some 20 rods from the English cottages. She was attacked by one assassin armed with a trident, and received a cut on the lobe of the right ear. She was thrown to the ground and beaten on lower extremities and body. While the murderer was engaged in this attack, her servant grappled with the assailant. While they were struggling, Miss Hartford escaped to the hills and remained hidden until all was over. Her nervous system sustained serious injury.

Mildred Stewart, aged 12, received a wound on the outside of the right knee-joint 6 inches long, exposing the joint; two punctured wounds, one on left leg and one on left foot. Her condition is serious. Kathleen Stewart, aged 11, received several slight wounds and bruises on face and lower extremities, but not serious.

Herbert Stewart, aged 6, received a deep wound on right side of the neck 4 inches long; one on crown, which chipped up external table of skull; one on back part of head 4 inches long, cleaving the skull and exposing the brain; a circular scalp wound on left side of head 2½ inches in diameter; a small punctured wound on anterior part of the chest, and another stab in back. He died of injuries thirty hours later, while on road to Cui-kau.2

Evan Stewart, aged 3, was stabbed in the left thigh and received several bruises and scratches on head and body; not serious.

Baby Stewart, aged 13 mouths, received a severe injury in the right eye, a small, penetrating wound in the left frontal region, which entered the cranial cavity, and several severe bruises on head and body; probably fatal.

All wounds were apparently made by swords and spears.

Of those killed outright, Mr. and Mrs. Stewart, Miss Nellie Saunders and Lena [Page 194] Yellup (Irish nurse) were almost wholly incinerated in one of the burned houses. They were in all probability murdered before the house was burned. Kathleen Stewart saw Miss Nellie Saunders lying unconscious on the nursery floor, and she removed baby Stewart from beneath the dead body of the nurse.

Miss Hessie Newcombe was cut on the left cheek and the left hand, probably with a spear, and then thrown over a steep embankment, where we recovered the body. Miss Marshall’s throat was frightfully cut and a deep sword wound on the left wrist. I failed to find any serious wound on the body of Miss Stewart, and I am inclined to think that she died from shock. This opinion is sustained by Miss Codrington’s report to me. Miss Gordon received a deep spear wound in face, another on side of neck, and one on the right side of the head. Miss Topsy Saunders’s death was caused by a spear wound in right orbit, the weapon entering the brain. These last three bodies were lying in one heap.

Apparently no post-mortem mutilation was attempted on any of the bodies.

This frightful massacre was done by members of a secret society known as the “Vegetarians,” who had been giving much trouble alike to Christians and heathen in and around Kutien City. From various reports of those who saw the attack, I believe that there were about 80 men engaged, armed with spears and swords, and seemed to be organized under one chief leader. The attack came like a thunderbolt from a clear sky, not one of the victims having received the slightest intimation of the intended assault. Thirty minutes from the time the onslaught commenced not a single Vegetarian was to be seen near the grounds of the massacre.

Miss Codrington tells me that the ladies were first seized and told that they were to be bound and taken away into captivity; afterwards several faint-hearted attempts were made to kill them, when they plead for their lives. At this time the leader appeared upon the scene, and noting the wavering of his gang, shouted to them, “You know your orders; kill them outright.” And the orders were at once obeyed

Mr. Phillips and I worked all the latter part of the night placing the remains in coffins. We finished this sorrowful duty about 8 a.m. on the 2d.

Having finished placing the bodies in coffins, and fearing to longer remain at the scene, we then undertook to secure transportation to Cui-kau. According to our request, the district magistrate had remained, with his escort, on the ground, so we at once appealed to him for chairs for the living and bearers for the coffins. After urging, pleading, and finally commanding him, we were able to leave Huasang at 3 p.m. After traveling all that night, we managed to reach Cui-kau at 8.30 on the morning of the 3d, the saddest, most appalling procession ever formed in China. The magistrate had sent runners to Cui-kau, by our orders, and impressed four native boats for us, and we left there for Foochow in the afternoon. On the morning of the 4th we met a steam launch, taking the subprefect to Cui-kau. We boarded this, and insisted upon the launch towing our boats to Foochow, it being necessary for us to arrive there as soon as possible, since the effect of the extreme heat was proving serious to the wounded.

At 11 o’clock we met a steam launch, with United States Marshal Hixson, venerable Archdeacon Wolfe, and Rev. W. Banister on board, coming to our assistance with supplies. These friends we heartily welcomed, and in our hearts we devoutly thanked United States Consul Hixson for his prompt action and successful efforts in securing and immediately dispatching this rescue party, who by its presence greatly relieved the fatigue and suffering during the remainder of the journey to Foochow. At noon we were met by Mr. A. W. V. Gibb, who had kindly come in his house boat to meet us, bringing more supplies.

At 1.30 p.m. we arrived at the United States consulate jetty, Foochow, where we were met by Consul Hixson and a large party of friends, and soon had the injured comfortably resting in clean beds.

When the question is raised as to the cause of this terrible massacre, we need have no doubt that the Vegetarians are the active participants, and that the local and provincial authorities are particeps criminis is equally certain, for this society has been strong in and around Kutien for two years, and has been increasing in numbers and growing bolder in its threats and acts as the months passed. Early in July last several hundreds of them attacked a village near Kutien and killed and wounded several natives, not Christians. This outrage has never been punished, and the viceroy sent to Kutien the small force of 200 soldiers to assist the local authorities in settling with several thousand determined savages. This was a mere farce, and the local officers were unable to do anything, but criminally failed to promptly demand reenforcements from the viceroy.

It is obvious to all who have given the matter much thought, that China has been encouraged to continue her slack care of foreign life and property within her territory by the fact that heretofore a money indemnity has been accepted as the price of foreign blood spilt by her murderous subjects; and just so long as foreign powers [Page 195] are satisfied with such settlement of this wanton, barbarous, destruction of life, just so long will China tail to govern her people as she should govern them in this enlightened century.

J. J. Gregory

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U. S. Consulate,
Foochow, China, August 4, 1895.

Papers Relating to the Foreign Relations of the United States, With the Annual Message of the President, Transmitted to Congress December 2, 1895, Part I

Mr. Denby to Mr. Olney.